
I 



A BIOGRAPHY 

OF THE 

SIGNERS 

OF THE 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 

AND OF 

WASHINGTON AND PATRICK HENRY. 

WITH 

AN APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING THE 

Constitution ot the ©toftcfc States 

AND OTHER DOCUMENTS. 



BY L. CARROLL JUDSON, 

A MEMBER OF THE PHILADELPHIA EAR. 



"The proper study of mankind is man. ; 



PHILADELPHIA: 

J. DOBSON, AND THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT & CO. 

1839. 



Entered according to the Act of Congress, A. D. 1839, by Timothy Caldwell, 
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsyl- 



vania. 



P 



DORSEY, PRINTER, 
LIBRARY STREET. 



CONTENTS 



Declaration of Independence. 
Thomas Jefferson, 
John Hancock, - 
Benjamin Franklin, 
Roger Sherman, 
Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas M'Kean, 
Philip Livingston, 
George Wythe, 
Abraham Clark, 
Francis Lewis, - 
Richard Stockton, 
Samuel Adams, 
Dr. Benjamin Rush, 
Oliver Wolcott, 
George Read, 
Thomas Hey ward, 
Robert Morris, 
John Witherspoon, 
Thomas Lynch, Jr. 
Matthew Thornton, 
William Floyd, 
William Whipple, 
Francis Hopkinson, Esq. 
Josiah Bartlett, 
Arthur Middleton, - 
James Wilson, - 
Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, 
William Williams, 
Samuel Huntington, 
George Walton, 
George Clymer, 
Carter Braxton, 
John Morton, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Stephen Hopkins, 
1 



PAGE. 

9 
13 

• 25 
30 

• 38 
45 

■ 49 
55 

■ 58 
61 

■ G4 
66 

■ 70 
78 

■ 83 
85 

■ 88 
92 

■ 97 
102 

■ 105 
108 

• 112 
115 

• 117 
122 

■ 126 
132 
136 
139 

■ 142 
116 
152 
155 

■ 158 
161 



IV 



CONTENTS. 



Robert Treat Paine, - 

George Taylor, .... 

Francis Lightfoot Lee, ... 

Thomas Stone, - 

Lewis Morris, - 

John Hart, - 

Button Gwinnett, - 

William Ellery, .... 

Lyman Hall, ..... 

John Penn, .... 

Elbridge Gerry, .... 

William Paca, .... 

George Ross, - - - - - 

Benjamin Harrison, ... 

Caesar Rodney, - - - - - 

Samuel Chase, .... 

William Hooper, .... 

Thomas Nelson, .... 

James Smith, - 

Joseph Hewes, ■"■"." 

John Adams, --•".-,." 

George Washington, ... 

Patrick Henry, .... 

Appendix: 

Washington's Farewell Address to the People of the United States, 

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United Colonies of North 
America, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up 
arms, -------- 

Articles of Confederation, - - 

Constitution of the United States, - - - - - 

Amendments to the Constitution, - 

The Declaration of Independence as originally written by Thomas Jef- 
ferson, ....... 



170 
174 
177 
181 

184 
188 
191 
195 
200 
203 
208 
215 
219 
223 
230 
236 
248 
253 
260 
267 
273 
292 
303 

313 



325 
330 
337 
348 

350 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



The proprietor of this book, now verging on four score years, pre- 
sents it to the public with an anxious hope that it will be instrumental 
in doing much good. To place within the reach of all classes of per- 
sons who desire it, the history of the venerable sages who wisely con- 
ceived, nobly planned and boldly achieved the independence of these 
United States, is believed to be a matter of great importance, espe- 
cially to the rising generation. 

Of those who signed the Declaration penned by Jefferson — the Ar- 
ticles of Confederation adopted by the Continental Congress, and 
the Federal Constitution — not one survives to aid in directing the 
destinies of our country. Like leaves in autumn they have descended 
to the earth — the winter of death has shut them from this world for 
ever. But they have left their bright examples, their shining lights, 
their luminous beacons, to guide their successors in the path of duty 
and of safety. 

Having had the pleasure of seeing all the signers of the declaration 
before they made their last bow and retired from the stage of action, 
and having had the satisfaction of a personal acquaintance with many 
of them, the proprietor has long felt a strong desire to have the history 
of the prominent traits of their lives and characters reduced to a single 
portable and cheap volume, that should not be an onerous tax upon 
the purse or the memory. Such a volume is now presented to the 
American public, carefully and impartially prepared — plain in style, 
simple in arrangement and republican in its features. 

If all obey the precepts suggested, and imitate the examples deli- 
neated upon the following pages, our republic will continue to rise 
sublimely, until it reaches an eminence of power and grandeur before 
unknown among the nations of the earth. 

That this may be the happy lot of our country, and that our free 
government may be preserved in its native purity, is the sincere and 
ardent wish of the proprietor.. 

TIMOTHY CALDWELL. 

Philadelphia, February 22, 1839. 



PREFACE. 



The present is emphatically an era of books. The march of mind 
is onward and upward, bold and expanding. The soaring intellect of 
man, rising on the wings of investigation and experiment, is seizing 
upon the elements in all their varied forms, threatening to unveil and 
reduce to subjection the whole arcana of nature. The flood gates of 
science are opened, and its translucent stream, rushing through the 
magic channel of the press, is illuminating the world with rays of 
light, as multiform in their hues as a rainbow. Like that beautiful 
phenomenon, some of them attract the delighted gaze of many for a 
brief period, then vanish from view for want of reflectives, or dissolve 
in thin air for want of stamina — an ominous hint to the present 
writer. 

He, however, has not aimed at brilliancy or high refinement in 
composition, nor has he attempted to create a literary gem to induce 
admiration. He has aimed at brevity in the impartial statement of 
plain matters of fact, avoiding verbiage and extracting the essence of 
the history of the sages of '76. His work is not designed for the dif- 
fusive crucible of the critic, or the empirical hauteur of the cynic. 
To make a useful book has been the ultimatum of his efforts. It has 
been his constant purpose to incite a love for moral rectitude, a vene- 
ration for unsophisticated religion and pure patriotism, and a lively 
interest in the perpetuity of our union as a free people, by reflecting 
the precepts and examples of the revolutionary patriots upon the mind 
of the reader, from the truth-telling mirror of their history. To pre- 
serve, in its pristine purity, the liberty they purchased with years of 
toil, streams of blood and millions of treasure, is a duty imposed upon 
us by the law of nature, and by the great Jehovah. To imprint this 
deeply and strongly upon the heart of every reader, the author has in- 
terspersed many practical remarks, and, in some instances, compared 
the past with the present time. 

If the amputating knife, the scalpel and the probe have occasionally 



Vlll 



PREFACE. 



been used, a sincere desire to do good has prompted their applica- 
tion. To remove the unsound parts of the body politic — should be a 
desideratum with every freeman. By shrinking from this duty, we 
jeopardize our elective franchise and court the domination of design- 
ing men, who smile that they may betray, and natter that they may 
destroy. 

The author has laboured to be concise without being obscure, to 
inform the understanding without burdening the memory. He has 
introduced many apothegms, intending to improve the mind and mend 
the heart. The causes that led to the revolution, its interesting pro- 
gress, its happy termination and the formation of our federal govern- 
ment, are all amply delineated. The character of each of the indi- 
viduals who signed the declaration, and of the illustrious Washington 
and the bold Patrick Henry, is fully portrayed. The most promi- 
nent acts of their lives are also clearly exhibited. But few of the 
biographettes are encumbered with documentary extracts, although 
they will be found sufficiently full for all ordinary purposes. 

To write the biography of fifty-eight individuals, all engaged in 
the accomplishment of a single object, although that object may be 
shrouded in refulgent glory — and preserve an interesting variety 
without being prolix or verbose, is a task no one can realize without 
attempting it — a task that the author does not claim the credit of hav- 
ing performed. To compensate for any want of diversity, the reader 
will find all the important facts contained in more expensive, ponder- 
ous and voluminous works, placed in so small a compass, that they 
may be referred to with greater facility than in them. 

In the order of the names, it seems most appropriate to place the 
author of the Declaration of Independence first. In some instances, 
a character of high classic attainments has been placed by the side of 
one whose literary advantages were extremely limited, that the reader, 
when admiring the dazzling splendour of the former, may contem- 
plate the equal patriotism and substantial usefulness of the latter. 
The names of Messrs. Gwinnett and Ellery, are placed by the side of 
each other because of the contrast in their demise. 

The Appendix is considered an important affixion, and renders the 
work more full and complete. The Farewell Address of Washington 
is one of the happiest productions ever penned by mortal man. It 
should be read often, not only by the young, but by all — the rich and 
the poor — the public officer and the private citizen. It should be re- 
hearsed in every school and declaimed in every lyceum. 

The Constitution of the United States should also be better known; 
it should be familiar to every farmer and mechanic, that it may be 
better understood and more faithfully adhered to. 



PREFACE. j Y 

Finally, to carry the reader back to first principles, and point plainly 
and clearly to the land marks of '76, as fixed by the signers of the 
declaration of our independence, and to rouse the patriot to a just 
sense of our blood-bought privileges and the necessity of preserving 
them pure and undefiled, has been the constant aim of the author. 

If his humble, but honest and earnest eiforts shall prove instru- 
mental in adding one inch of time— one happy hour to our political 
existence, or in strengthening one single link of the golden chain of 
the glorious Union of these United States, he will deem the months 
of severe labour devoted to the preparation of this work- — as time 

WELL SPENT. 

L. CARROLL JUDSON. 

Philadelphia, February 22, 1839. 



BttlutntUm of xmt#mnmtt> 

BY THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 

IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, 

July 4, MDCCLXXVI. 



"When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people 
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and 
to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to 
the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which im- 
pel them to the separation. 

"We hold these truths to be self-evident: — that all men are created equal; 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that 
amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to 
secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their 
just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of 
government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on 
such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem 
most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- 
tate that governments long established should not be changed for light and 
transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind 
are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves 
by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train 
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a de- 
sign to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, 
to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future secu- 
2 



10 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

rity. Such has been tfie patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now 
the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. 

"The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an 
absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a 
candid world. 

"He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for 
the public good. 

"He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing im- 
portance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; 
and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 

"He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts 
of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the 
legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

"He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, 
and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of 
fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

"He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with manly 
firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 

"He has refused, for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to 
be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re- 
turned to the people at large, for their exercise; the state remaining, in the 
meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions 
within. 

"He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that pur- 
pose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass 
others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of lands. 

"He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to 
laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

"He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their 
offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. < 

"He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of offi- 
cers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. 

"He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the con- 
sent of our legislatures. 

"He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the 
civil power. 

"He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our 
constitution and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of 
pretended legislation. 

"For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: 

"For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders 
which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states: 

"For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: 

"For imposing taxes on us without our consent: 

"For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: 



DECLARATION OF IXDEPEN^^CE. | | 



i 



"For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pr^^^d offences. 

"For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring province, 
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so 
as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same 
absolute rule into these colonies: 

"For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and alter- 
ing fundamentally the forms of our governments: 

"For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested 
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

"He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, 
and waging war against us. 

"He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroy- 
ed the lives of our people. 

"He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to 
complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with cir- 
cumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous 
ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

"He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to 
bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and 
brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 

"He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to 
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose 
known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and 
conditions. 

"In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the 
most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated 
injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

"Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have 
L warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an 
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their 
native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our 
common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
rupt our connexions and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the 
voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the 
necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest 
of mankind — enemies in war — in peace, friends. 

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in gene- 
ral Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the 
rectitude of our intentions, Do, in the name, and by authority of the good people 
of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies 
are, and of right, ought to be, free and independent States: — that they are ab- 
solved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion 
between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be, totally dis- 
solved; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy 
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other 



12 



kvhi^Hcej 



ATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



acts and things whi^Wcependent states may of right do. And, for the sup- 
port of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Provi- 
dence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
honour." 

John Hancock. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Josiah Bartlett, 
William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, 
Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

Stephen Hopkins, 
William Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntingdon, 
William Williams, 
Oliver Wolcott. 

NEW YORK. 

William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 

NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 
John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, 
Benjamin Franklin, 
John Morton, 
George Clymer, 



James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

Caesar Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas MKean. 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel Chase, 
Thomas Stone, 
Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr. 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Hey wood, Jr. 
Thomas Lynch, Jr. 
Arthur Middleton. 

GEORGIA. 

Button Givinneit, 
Lyman Hall, 
George Walton. 



% 



BIOGRAPHY 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

When the Great Ruler of the universe resolved to set his people 
free from Egyptian bondage, he raised up able and mighty men, to eft'ect 
his glorious purposes. These he endowed with wisdom to plan, and 
energy to execute his noble designs. There is a most striking simi- 
larity between the history of the Israelites, bursting the chains of 
slavery riveted upon them by Pharaoh; and that of the American colo- 
nies, in disenthralling themselves, by the aid of Heaven, from the 
oppressions of the British king. Like Moses, Washington led his 
countrymen through the wilderness of the revolution, and planted 
them, when the journey was terminated, upon the promised land of 
freedom and independence. Like Moses, he placed his trust in the 
God of Hosts, and like him, he was aided and sustained by a band of 
sages and heroes, unrivalled in the history of the world. 

In the front of this band stood Thomas Jefferson, who was born at 
Shadwell, Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 24th of April, 1743. 
His ancestors were highly respectable, and among the early emigrants 
to the Old Dominion. They were true republicans, in affluent circum- 
stances, and exercised an influence that radiated to a considerable 
extent. Thomas was the son of Peter Jefferson, a man much esteemed 
in public and private life. The feelings imbibed from him by this son, 
were conspicuous at an early age, and decidedly of a liberal character. 
From his childhood, the mind of Thomas Jefferson assumed a high 
elevation, and took a broad and expansive view of men and things. 
He was educated at the college of William and Mary, at Williams- 
burg; and was always found at the head of his class. For assiduity 
and untiring industry in the exploration of the fields of science, he 
had no superior. He analyzed every subject that came under his 
investigation, closely and carefully; passing through the opening 
avenues of literature with an astonishing celerity. His mind became 
enraptured with the history of classic Greece and republican Rome, 
and, in early youth, his political opinions appear to have been distinctly 
formed, and opposed to every kind of government, tinctured with a 
shade of monarchy or aristocracy. 

After having completed his collegiate course, he commenced the 



1 4 ^MTHOMAS JEFFERSON. 






study of law und^^roncellor Wythe, whose liberal views were well 
calculated to strengthen and mature those already preponderating in 
the mind of Jefferson. With regard to the oppressions of the mother 
country, and the justice and necessity of resistance by the colonies, 
their kindred bosoms were in unison. By a thorough investigation of 
the science of law and government, Jefferson soon became prepared 
to enter upon the great theatre of public action, and into the service 
of his injured country. Planting himself upon the broad basis of 
Magna Charta, encircling himself within the pale of the British con- 
stitution, he demonstrated most clearly, that the ministry of the crown 
had long been advancing, with rapid strides, beyond the bounds of 
their legitimate authority, by exercising a tyrannical power over the 
American colonies, not delegated to them by the monarchy they cor- 
ruptly represented. So conclusive and luminous were his expositions 
of chartered rights on the one hand, and of accumulating wrongs on 
the other, that he soon became the nucleus of a band of patriots, re- 
solved on deeds of noble daring — on liberty or death. 

At the age of twenty-two, he was elected to the provincial legisla- 
ture, and commissioned a justice of the peace, which gave him an op- 
portunity of disseminating his liberal principles to a considerable 
extent. He proclaimed himself the unyielding advocate of equal 
rights, and had engraved upon his watch seal as his motto, "Resist- 
ance to tyrants is obedience to God." 

By his eloquence and unanswerable reasoning, he soon kindled the 
flame of opposition in old Virginia, which increased as tyranny ad- 
vanced; and, in 1769, assumed the shape of a resolution, offered and 
advocated by Mr. Jefferson in the legislature, not to import a single 
article from Great Britain. The boldness and firmness with which 
he maintained his position, astonished the adherents of the crown, and 
gave a fresh impetus to the glorious cause then in embryo. With 
ample pecuniary means, with talents unsurpassed, his soul illumined 
with the fire of patriotism, his indignation roused against the hirelings 
of the king, his sympathies excited by the sufferings of his country, 
Mr. Jefferson was well calculated to become one of the master spirits 
of the revolution; one of the giant champions of universal freedom; a 
pillar of fire in the cause of liberty, flashing terror and dismay into the 
ranks of his enemies. 

The plan of organizing committees of correspondence throughout 
the colonies, was devised by him in the early part of 1773, and proved 
eminently useful in producing unity of sentiment and concert of 
action among the patriots. About that time, he wrote and published 
"A Summary View of the Rights of British America," which also set 
forth the wrongs inflicted upon his countrymen, in bold and glowing 
colours. This he addressed to the king in respectful, but plain and 
impressive language, in the following eloquent strain. "Open your 
breast, Sire, to liberal and expanded thought. It behooves you to 
think and act for your people. The great principles of right and 
wrong are legible to every reader: to peruse them, needs not the aid 
of many counsellors. The whole art of government consists in the 
art of being honest," etc. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. . 15 

So exasperated was Lord Dunmore on perusing this article, that he 
threatened to arrest its author for high treason. Written and pub- 
lished during the session of the legislature of which Mr. Jefferson was 
an influential member, and finding that resolutions had been passed 
by the representatives, quite as treasonable in their character as the 
publication in question, his lordship immediately dissolved the far- 
ther action of that body. 

The following year, the British ministry, in answer to petitions for 
redress of grievances, sent to the assembly of the Old Dominion, a 
series of propositions that they termed conciliatory, but which, in truth, 
added insult to injury. Their hypocrisy and fallacy were unmasked 
and exposed by Mr. Jefferson, in a masterly strain of eloquent and 
withering logic and sarcasm, that carried conviction to a large majo- 
rity of his colleagues. They were referred to a committee, which re- 
ported an answer, drawn by the author of the declaration of inde- 
pendence, similar, in its main features, to that much admired docu- 
ment, which was immediately adopted. The ball of resistance was 
put in motion, the electric fluid of patriotism commenced its insulat- 
ing powers in the north and in the south; and, extending from sire to 
son, from heart to heart, the two streams met in the centre, and rising 
in grandeur, formed the beautiful and luminous arch of Freedom, with 
its chord extending from Maine to Georgia, its versed sine resting 
upon the city of Penn.Js Under its zenith, at the city of Philadelphia, 
the continental congress convened, in which Thomas Jefferson took 
his seat on the 21st of June, 1775. Although one of the youngest 
members of that venerated assemblage of sages and patriots, he was 
hailed as one of its main pillars. Known as a man of superior intel- 
ligence, of liberal sentiments, of strict integrity, of stern republican- 
ism, and of unbending patriotism, his influence was strongly felt and 
judiciously exercised. From the beginning, he advocated a separa- 
tion from the mother country, and met, at the threshold, every argu- 
ment that was urged against it. He considered that allegiance to the 
crown had been dissolved by oppression, and the original contract 
cancelled by American blood. Submission was no longer a virtue; 
the measure of wrongs was filled and overflowing; public sentiment 
demanded the dissolution of the gordian knot; and a voice from hea- 
ven proclaimed, "let my people go.' 9 

The following year, the declaration of independence was proposed, 
and Mr. Jefferson appointed chairman of the committee to draft a 
form. He was requested, by his colleagues, to prepare the important 
document. He performed the task with a boldness of design, and 
beauty of execution, before unknown and yet unrivalled. The result 
of his labour is before the world. Admiring nations have united in 
applauding the declaration of our rights, penned by Jefferson, and 
sanctioned by the continental congress on the 4th of July, 1776. As 
a master piece of composition, as a clear and lucid exposition of the 
rights of man, the principles of free government, the sufferings of an 
oppressed people, the abuses of a corrupt ministry, and the effects of 
monarchy upon the destinies of man, it stands unequalled. Pure in 
its origin, graphic in its delineations, noble in its features, glorious in 
its career, benign in its influence, and salutary in its results, it has 



16 .THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

become the chart of patriots throughout the civilized world. It is the 
ne plus ultra* of a gigantic mind, elevated to a lofty eminence by the 
finest touches of Creative Power; displaying its boldest efforts, its 
brightest conceptions, its holiest zeal, its purest desires, and its hap- 
piest conclusions. It combines the attributes of justice, the flowers 
of eloquence, the force of logic, and the soul of wisdom. It is the 
grand palladium of equal rights, the polar star of rational Liberty, 
the Magna Charta of universal Freedom, and has crowned the name 
of its author with laurels of immortal fame. 

In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Jefferson, in conjunction with Dr. 
Franklin and Dr. Deane, was appointed a commissioner to the court 
of France, for the purpose of forming a treaty of alliance. Ill health 
of himself and family, and an urgent necessity for his services in his 
native state, induced him to decline the proffered honour, and also to 
resign his seat in congress. 

He was immediately elected a member of the first legislature of 
Virginia convened under its new constitution, and was looked upon 
as one of the main bulwarks of her future safety. After taking his 
seat in that body, his first business was, to demolish the superstruc- 
ture of the judicial code, that had been reared, either by, or under the 
supervision of the British parliament. Although sustained and aided by 
able and willing colleagues, the great work of revision fell most heavily 
upon him. The first bill he introduced was aimed at the slave trade, and 
prohibited the farther importation of negroes into Virginia. This act 
alone is a triumphant confutation of the accusation often reiterated 
against Mr. Jefferson, that he was an advocate of slavery. To its 
principles he was always opposed, and submitted to it practically only 
by entail. That he struck the first blow at the unhallowed trade of 
importing human beings for the purpose of consigning them to bon- 
dage, is a fact beyond dispute. That this was the first grand step 
towards a correction of the most cruel features of the traffic, will not 
be denied. To transfer those born in America, from one state to 
another, bears no comparison to the heart-rending barbarity of drag- 
ging the African from his native home. 

He next introduced and effected the passage of bills destroying 
entails, the rights of primogeniture, the church as established by the 
English law; and also various others, calculated to assimilate the en- 
tire system of jurisprudence in the state, to its new and republican 
form of government; amounting, in all, to one hundred and twenty- 
six, most of which were passed, and form the present much admired 
statutory code of Virginia. 

In 1779, he was called to the gubernatorial chair of the Old Domi- 
nion, surrounded by dangers and perils on every side. The British 
troops, headed by the proud Tarleton and the traitor Arnold, were 
spreading death and destruction over the state, and contemplated the 
capture of Jefferson, to cap the climax of their triumphant victories. 
Terror and dismay were depicted on the faces of the more timid 
patriots, whilst many of the bolder spirits were much alarmed at the 
approach of thesef'merciless foes. But the energy and vigilance of the 

* Nothing beyond— the utmost point. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 17 

governor were found equal to every emergency. He rallied the bone 
and sinew of old Virginia, who "with hearts of oak and nerves of 
steel," checked the enemy in their bold career of indiscriminate 
slaughter. He imparted confidence and vigour to the desponding, 
and roused them to bold and noble action. He dispersed the dark 
and gloomy clouds that hung over his bleeding state, and inspired the 
friends of liberty with fresh and cheering hopes of ultimate success. 
So highly were his services appreciated during the eventful period of 
his administration, that the members of the legislature entered upon 
their records an unanimous vote of thanks to him, for the able and 
efficient manner he had performed his public duties, expressing their 
high opinion of his superior talents, strict rectitude, and stern in- 
tegrity. 

In 17S3, Thomas Jefferson again took his seat in congress, and be- 
came one of its brightest ornaments. The chaste and moving address 
from that body to Washington, when he surrendered his commission, 
was from the soul-stirring pen of Jefferson. He was chairman of the 
committee appointed to form a plan of territorial government for the 
extensive regions of the then "far west." True to his favourite prin- 
ciple of finally emancipating the sable African, he introduced a clause 
prohibiting slavery after the year 1800, in any of the territories, or 
states that should be formed from them. 

In May, 1784, Mr. Jefferson was appointed a minister plenipoten- 
tiary, to aid Messrs. Adams and Franklin, in the important duties of 
negotiating treaties of commerce with several European nations. He 
embarked in July following for France, and arrived there on the 6th 
of August. During his stay he visited several of the foreign courts, 
but spent the largest portion of his time in Paris. He commanded 
the highest respect and esteem wherever he went. He was made a 
welcome guest in the halls of literature, legislation, and jurisprudence. 
He was received with marked distinction by courtiers and kings, and 
effected much towards the promotion of the commercial interests of 
the infant Republic he so ably represented. 

He was at Paris when the French revolution commenced, and was 
often consulted by the leading members of the national convention, 
relative to the best course to be pursued, in order to establish their 
government upon the firm basis of republicanism. So far as was con- 
sistent with his situation, he gave his opinion freely in favour of ra- 
tional liberty. 

On the 25d of November, 1789, he returned to his native land, and 
was received with great enthusiasm and affection by his fellow citi- 
zens. Soon after his arrival, he was induced to resign his commission 
as minister to France, and accept the responsible situation of Secre- 
tary of State under President Washington. The appointment showed 
the sagacity of the chief magistrate, and proved a lasting blessing to 
our country. Familiar with every principle of government; compre- 
hending, at one bold view, the requisites necessary to perfect and 
perpetuate the new confederation, he was enabled to propose amend- 
ments to the constitution that were subsequently adopted, with some 
suggested by others; and to do much to beautify and reduce to har- 
3 



18 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

monious system, the new order of things. Well versed in the usages 
of diplomacy, international law, and the policy of European courts, 
he was prepared to plant the permanent landmarks of foreign inter- 
course that have guided our nation to the present time in safety, and 
raised her to a degree of greatness before unknown, in so short a pe- 
riod. A reciprocity of commerce and honourable peace with foreigners, 
and a rigid neutrality with belligerents, carefully avoiding ambiguous 
or entangling alliances, were some of his leading principles. To sub- 
mit to nothing that was clearly wrong, and to ask for nothing but 
what was unquestionably right, was a doctrine of Jefferson, forcibly 
inculcated in his able correspondence with the French ministers, 
during the brief period of their republic. The motto is still nailed to 
the flag staff* of the star spangled banner, and is handed down from 
sire to son in its native purity. 

To the domestic concerns of his country he devoted a laborious and 
laudable attention. He insisted upon the adoption of a uniform sys- 
tem of currency and of weights and measures, and suggested many 
other improvements, predicated upon plain and enlightened premises, 
and all designed to advance the best interests of the American system. 
He pointed to the importance of securing and protecting fisheries, and 
of encouraging enterprise in all the branches of industry. He de- 
monstrated the advantages of every species of commerce, and the 
necessity of preventing others from monopolizing such sources as 
legitimately belonged to the United States. He showed, in a mas- 
terly exposition of existing facts, the increasing policy of European 
courts, in restricting the intercourse of America, and their evident 
designs of engrossing trade. He submitted to congress an able and 
elaborate report, showing great foresight, close observation, and deep 
investigation, relative to the privileges and restrictions of the commer- 
cial intercourse of this with other countries. It received great atten- 
tion, was a subject of long and animated discussion in congress, and 
became the foundation of a series of resolutions introduced by Mr. 
Madison, embracing the doctrines it contained, and forming the great 
line of demarcation between the old school federal and republican 
parties. 

Having served his country long and faithfully, and having contri- 
buted largely in placing her on the high road of prosperity and free- 
dom, Mr. Jefferson retired from public life on the 31st of December, 
1793, and, for a season, enjoyed the more substantial comforts of the 
domestic circle at Monticello. He took especial care to impart com- 
fort to all around him, and treated his slaves in the kindest manner, 
thus reducing to practice the mode of treatment towards them he had 
so often alluded to in theory. The education of his children, the cul- 
tivation and improvement of his estate, and the resumption of scientific 
research, gave to him an exhilarating consolation he had long desired, 
and which is never found in the arena of public business and political 
bustle. 

His manner of life at the period alluded to, is happily described by 
the Duke de Liancourt, a distinguished French gentleman who visited 
him at Monticello, and who wrote a narrative of his tour in the United 
States. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. \ 9 

"His conversation is of the most agreeable kind, and he possesses 
a stock of information, not inferior to any other man. In Europe, he 
would hold a distinguished rank among men of letters, and as such he 
has already appeared there. At present he is employed with activity 
and perseverance in the management of his farms and buildings, and 
he orders, directs, and pursues, in the minutest detail, every branch 
of business relating to them. I found him in the midst of harvest, 
from which the scorching heat of the sun does not prevent his attend- 
ance. His negroes are nourished, clothed, and treated as well as 
white servants could be. Every article is made on his farm; his ne- 
groes being cabinet makers, carpenters, and masons. The children 
he employs in a nail manufactory, and the young and old negresses 
spin for the clothing of the rest. He animates them all by rewards 
and distinctions. In fine, his superior mind directs the management 
of his domestic concerns, with the same ability, activity, and regu- 
larity, which he evinced in the conduct of public affairs, and which he 
is calculated to display in every situation of life." 

During his recess from the toils of public life, Mr. Jefferson was 
unanimously elected president of the American Philosophical Society, 
a circumstance that was highly gratifying to him. It afforded him 
much pleasure to occupy the chair that had been long and ably filled 
by his revered friends, the illustrious Franklin and the philosophic 
Rittenhouse. He proved himself, in every way, worthy of the honour 
conferred. After a repose of three years, Mr. Jefferson was again 
called upon by his fellow citizens to mount the theatre of public 
action. President Washington had proclaimed his determination to 
retire to the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, and leave the presi- 
dential chair to a new incumbent. The people had become divided 
politically, and each party determined to nominate a candidate for the 
high and responsible station about to become vacant. Mr. Jefferson 
was selected by the democrats, and Mr. Adams by the federalists. 
The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams for President, and 
of Mr. Jefferson for Vice President. As the presiding officer of the 
Senate, he discharged his duty with dignity and impartiality. Fami- 
liar with parliamentary rules, he was uniformly prepared to decide 
such questions as came before him, promptly, and generally to the 
satisfaction of the members. 

At the next presidential election, he was again a candidate in oppo- 
sition to Mr. Adams. The mountain waves of party-spirit rolled over 
the United States like a mighty torrent. Each party presented a bold 
front regardless of danger, pressed on by a rear rushing to conflict. 
The political campaign terminated in favour of the democrats, who 
returned an equal number of votes for Mr. Jefferson as President, and 
Aaron Burr as Vice President. This singular circumstance imposed 
the election of the chief magistrate upon the House of Representatives. 
To defeat the election of the great leader of the popular party, some 
of his opponents voted for Mr. Burr. A most spirited contest ensued, 
and thirty-five ineffectual ballotings were made. The ambition of the 
latter gentleman for promotion, at last so much subsided, as to induce 
him to withdraw from a farther contest with the man of the people's 



20 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

choice; and, on the thirty-sixth ballot, Mr. Jefferson was duly elected 
President, and Mr. Burr Vice President; the former by a majority of 
eight votes. 

The following extract from his inaugural address will show with 
what sentiments he entered upon the performance of his arduous 
duties. 

•'Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persua- 
sion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship 
with all nations; entangling alliances with none; the support of the 
state governments in all their rights, as the most competent admi- 
nistrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against 
anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general govern- 
ment in its whole constitutional vigour, as the sheet anchor of our 
peace at home and safety abroad; a zealous care of the right of elec- 
tion by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are 
lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are un- 
provided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the 
vital principles of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, 
the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well disci- 
plined militia our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of 
war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over 
the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labour 
may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred 
preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture and of 
commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraign- 
ment of all abuses at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion, 
freedom of the press, and freedom of the person under the protection 
of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These 
principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and 
guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The 
wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to 
their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the 
text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the service of 
those we trust, and should we wander from them in moments of error 
or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road 
which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." 

Here is a statesman's chart, drawn by one of the ablest navigators 
that ever stood at the helm of government. His soundings were fre- 
quent; his observations were made with mathematical exactness; he 
combined experience with science, and traced his lines with boldness 
and precision. To follow its directions is to ensure safety. 

Based upon these principles, practically carried out, the administra- 
tion of Jefferson became popular, peaceful, and prosperous. He knew 
the reasonable desires of the people, and exerted his noblest energies 
to provide for them. He knew that the art of governing harmo- 
niously, consisted in an enlightened honesty, and acted accordingly. 
He anticipated the future wants of the rising and expanding republic 
over which he presided, and proposed, in his annual and special mes- 
sages to congress, wise and politic measures to meet them. So satis- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 21 

factory was his course to his fellow citizens, that he was re-elected to 
a second term, by a majority of one hundred and forty-eight. 

His inaugural address, on that occasion, enforced the same princi- 
ples contained in his first, and manifested a deep and growing interest 
in the welfare and prosperity of his country. As his belief in a Su- 
preme Power has been questioned by some, the following extract, con- 
taining the same sentiment found in all his writings where this subject 
is alluded to, may correct those who are labouring under an error on 
this important point. Hear him, after invoking the aid of congress in 
the affairs of the nation: "I shall need, too, the favour of that Being 
in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from 
their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the 
necessaries of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence, 
and our riper years with his wisdom and power." 

If all who profess the religion of the cross, discarded sectarianism 
and honoured unsophisticated practical piety as much as did Thomas 
Jefferson, the prospect of christianizing the world would soon burst 
upon us with refulgent brightness. The partition walls of various 
creeds, drawn from the same pure fountain, and coloured by fancy 
and construction, would be dissolved by heaven-born charity, and the 
superstructure of the Redeemer's kingdom would rise from their 
mouldering ruins in majesty sublime. 

Soon after Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of his second term, 
a portentous storm darkened the horizon of his country, charged with 
the forked lightning of discord. In consequence of being disappointed 
in obtaining the presidential chair amidst the confusion he created 
when Mr. Jefferson was first elected, and superseded by Mr. Clinton 
as vice president at the expiration of four years, Aaron Burr mounted 
upon the whirlwind of his wild ambition, and attempted the formation 
of a new republic in the Spanish provinces on the Mississippi; appa- 
rently aiming at an ultimate division, if not dissolution of the United 
States. Although he was acquitted, after being tried for high treason, 
owing to his deep cunning in not committing the overt acts necessary 
to convict, yet the dark stigma of a traitor is marked upon the splen- 
dour of his brilliant talents, in traces so deep, that time, nor angels' 
tears, can never remove it. Like a comet, propelled by its own cen- 
trifugal force from its constitutional orbit, he fell to rise no more, and 
our country was preserved from his Catiline grasp. 

About the same time, France and Great Britain were at war, both 
of which, and more especially the latter, had repeatedly insulted the 
American flag under various but unwarranted pretences. Redress 
was promptly demanded, and measures pursued to obtain it. Anxious 
to preserve the peace of his country, but determined to vindicate her 
rights and maintain her dignity, Mr. Jefferson, whilst he prosecuted 
a vigorous negociation for the arrangement of a friendly intercourse 
and the adjustment of existing differences, prepared for the final alter- 
native of war. He knew well the importance to England of the 
importing and exporting trade, and as a means of bringing her to ho- 
nourable terms, recommended to congress the embargo law, which 
was passed on the 22nd of December, 1807. This measure was vio- 



22 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

lently assailed by the opponents of the administration. It, however, 
had a salutary effect upon the British government, and caused a relin- 
quishment of the most odious features of the assumptions of power 
that had been set up, followed by more conciliatory propositions on 
the part of England, for a final settlement of all difficulties and 
wrongs. Thus situated were the foreign relations of the United 
States when the second term of Mr. Jefferson expired, at which time 
he bid a final farewell to public life, and left the destinies of his be- 
loved country in other hands. He had been an efficient and faithful 
labourer in the vineyard of American liberty for nearly forty years; 
he left it richly covered with foliage and fruit; in the full bloom of 
its vigour and health; enclosed by the palisades of honesty and truth; 
and adorned with the crowning glory of patriotism and philanthropy. 

On the 3d of March, 1809, Thomas Jefferson surrendered the re- 
sponsibilities of chief magistrate, ceased to be the active statesman, 
withdrew from the political arena, and again became a private citizen, 
surrounded by the halo of his country's gratitude, consoled by the 
approbation of a pure conscience, and cheered by the plaudits of ad- 
miring millions. 

From that time forward, he declined all public honours, and re- 
mained in peaceful retirement till the day of his death, seldom leaving 
his favourite Monticello. But he did not enter upon a life of inglo- 
rious ease. The same innate activity that had marked his brilliant 
career from his youth, the same nobleness of mind and energy of cha- 
racter that had raised him to the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear, 
still prompted him to action. He immediately reduced his time to a 
harmonious arrangement, and his whole business to the most perfect 
system. He uniformly rose before the sun, and held a supervision 
over all the concerns of his plantation. The various publications from 
his pen, during the period of his retirement, show that he laboured 
arduously in the fields of science and philosophy. For the promotion 
of literature and general intelligence he opened an extensive corre- 
spondence with men of letters, in this country and in Europe. He 
considered the diffusion of knowledge, among the great mass of the 
human family, the greatest safeguard against tyranny and oppression, 
the purest source of earthly bliss, and the surest passport to freedom 
and happiness. 

Acting from this impulse, he submitted the plan of a University to 
the legislature of Virginia, to be erected at Charlottesville, a town 
situated at the foot of the mountain that reared its romantic scenery 
in front of his mansion. It was to be built with funds raised by dona- 
tions from individuals and from the state, himself to be a liberal con- 
tributor. The plan of the buildings, the course of instruction, the 
mode of discipline, the duties and accountabilities of the officers and 
instructors, were all devised and drawn by Mr. Jefferson, and were 
so much admired and approved by the members of that legislative body, 
that they passed an act authorizing its adoption, and appointed its 
author Rector, to carry the design into effect. Upon the completion 
of that object he then devoted all necessary time, and more money 
than strict prudence called for. It became the doating object of his 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 23 

old age, and his strongest efforts were exerted in its accomplishment. 
These were crowned with success, and he had the happiness to live 
and see the University completed and filled with students. The 
course of instruction was designed to prepare the scholars for the 
general routine of business, both public and private, without being 
strictly classical. The library was selected by him with great judg- 
ment and care, and was confined to what may be termed useful books, 
treating upon subjects necessary to be understood by every citizen, to 
prepare him to discharge properly the duties he owes to himself, his 
family, his country, and his God. A catalogue, written by the hand of 
Jefferson, is still there, and carefully preserved. He exercised a pa- 
rental care over this institution as long as his physical powers would 
permit; and was often seen viewing it with an exquisite pleasure and an 
honest pride. Much of his time was devoted to visiters, to whom his 
hospitality was liberally and kindly extended. Thousands of his own 
countrymen paid their grateful respects to him, and Europeans of dis- 
tinction thought their tour in the United States incomplete, until they 
took by the hand the patriot, the sage, the philosopher, and the phi- 
lanthropist of Monticello. To delight, to instruct, and to please, he 
was peculiarly calculated. He was familiar with every subject; his 
mind united the vigour of youtli with the experience of age; the 
strength of a giant with the innocence of a babe. The broad ex- 
panse of the universe, the stupendous works of nature, the Pierian 
fields of science, the deep recesses of philosophy, and the labyrinthian 
avenues of the intellect of man, seemed spread before him like a map 
of the world. He was an encyclopedia of the age he adorned, a lexi- 
con of the times he enlightened, and one of the brightest diadems in 
the crown of his country's glory. 

With calm dignity and peaceful quietude, Mr. Jefferson glided 
down the stream of time towards the ocean of eternity, until he 
reached the eighty -fourth year of his age. Forty-four years had rolled 
over his head, since his amiable companion, the daughter of Mr. 
Wayles, an eminent lawyer of Virginia, had slumbered beneath the 
clods of the valley. One of two interesting daughters, the only chil- 
dren he ever had, was also resting in the silent grave. The charms 
of earth began to fade before him, and he felt sensibly that he was fast 
approaching the confines of another and a better world. The physical 
powers and mechanical structure of his frame were fast decaying; the 
canker worm of disease was doing its final work; and the angel of 
death stood over him with a keen blade, awaiting Jehovah's signal to 
cut the thread of life, and set the prisoner free. Early in the spring 
of 1826, his bodily infirmities increased, and from the L 26t\\ of June 
to the time of his decease, he was confined to his bed. He then re- 
marked to his physician, "my machine is worn out and can go no 
longer." His friends who attended him, flattered themselves that he 
would again recover, but he was convinced that his voyage of life was 
about to close, and that he would soon cast his anchor in the haven 
of rest. To those around him he said, "do not imagine that I feel 
the smallest solicitude as to the result. I do not indeed wish to die, 
but I do not fear to die." To his last moments, he manifested a pe- 



24 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

culiar anxiety for the future prosperity of the university which he had 
founded, regarding it as the youngest child of his old age. Assured 
that it would receive the fostering care of the state, he could say, now 
Lord, dismiss me. On the 2nd day of July, his body became extremely 
weak, but his mental powers remained as clear as a crystal fountain. 
He called his family and friends around him, and, with a cheerful 
countenance and calm dignity gave directions for his funeral obse- 
quies. He requested that he might be interred at Monticello, with- 
out pomp or show, and that the inscription upon his tomb should only 
refer to him as "The author of the Declaration of Independence, of 
the Statutes of Virginia securing religious freedom, and as the father 
of the University." He then conversed separately with each of his 
family: to his surviving daughter, Mrs. Randolph, he presented a 
small morocco case, which he requested her not to open until after 
his death, and when opened, was found to contain a beautiful and 
affectionate poetic tribute to her virtues. 

The next day, being told it. was the 3d of July, he expressed a desire 
that he might be permitted to inhale the atmosphere of the 50th anni- 
versary of our national freedom. His prayer was granted, the glo- 
rious 4th of July, 1826, dawned upon him, he took an affectionate 
leave of those around him, and then raising his eyes upward, articu- 
lated distinctly, "I resign myself to God, and my child to my coun- 
try," and expired as calmly as an infant sleeps in its mother's arms, 
without a murmur or a sigh. Thus lived and thus died Thomas Jef- 
ferson, universally esteemed in life, and deeply mourned in death by 
a nation of freemen ; deeply lamented by every patriot in the civilized 
world. 

In person, he was slender and erect, six feet two inches in height; 
light and intelligent eyes; noble and open countenance; fair com- 
plexion; yellowish-red hair, and commanding in his whole appear- 
ance. In all the relations of public and private life, he was a model 
of human talent and rigid integrity, rarely equalled and never sur- 
passed. His whole career was cafm and dignified. Under all cir- 
cumstances his coolness, deliberation, and equanimity of mind, placed 
him on a lofty eminence, and enabled him to preserve a perfect equi- 
librium, amidst all the changing vicissitudes and multiform ills that 
flesh is heir to. He kept his passions under complete control, and 
cultivated richly the refined qualities of his nature. His philanthropy 
was as broad as the human family; his sympathies were co-extensive 
with the afflictions of Adam's race. He was born to be useful; he 
nobly fulfilled the design of his creation. 



25 



JOHN HANCOCK. 

Biography is a subject of such thrilling interest, that the memory 
of most men, in every age and nation, who have rendered themselves 
eminent, either in the cause of virtue or vice, glory or infamy, has 
been handed down on the pages of history. Among the unlettered 
nations of the earth, we find the exploits of their heroes and sages 
recorded with hieroglyphics, in wild simplicity; or find their names 
interwoven in the wild and more romantic tales of mysterious tradition. 
When graced with truth and impartiality, the subject is not only in- 
resting, but calculated to enrich our minds, by producing a desire 
to emulate the examples of the great and good, and by pointing out to 
us the paths of error, that lead us to disgrace and ruin. The interest 
felt in the history of an individual, depends much upon the manner 
the biographer performs his important and responsible duty, but more 
upon the sphere of action and the magnitude of the cause in which 
the individual has been engaged. The cause in which John Hais-cock, 
the subject of this brief sketch, was engaged, is one deeply interesting 
to every philanthropist, and more especially to every American. It 
was the cause of humanity and equal rights, opposed to cruelty and 
oppression; the cause of American Independence, opposed to British 
tyranny. The part he acted, was alike creditable to his head and 
heart; his fame is enrolled on the bright list of the illustrious patriots 
of the revolution. 

He was a native of Massachusetts, born near Quincy, in 1737. His 
father, of the same name, was a clergyman, eminent for his piety, and 
highly esteemed by the parishioners under his charge. He died during 
the infancy of his son, and left him under the guardianship of his 
paternal uncle, who treated him with all the tenderness of a father, 
and continued him at school until he graduated at Harvard College 
in 1754. His uncle was a merchant of immense wealth, and, on the 
completion of his studies, placed him in his counting house, that he 
might add to his science a knowledge of business, of men, and of 
things. In 1760, he visited England, saw the mortal remains of 
George II. laid in the silent tomb, and the crown placed upon the 
head of his successor. He continued in the business of his uncle until 
the age of twenty-seven, when his patron and benefactor died, leaving 
him his vast estate, supposed to be the largest of any one in the pro- 
vince. 

He was, for many years, one of the select men of Boston; and, in 
1766, was elected a member of the General Assembly of Massachu- 
setts. He there exhibited talents of a superior order, which attracted 
the attention, excited the admiration, and gained the esteem of his 
colleagues. They also excited the jealousy and irony of his enemies, 
who soon put him in the crucible of slander and persecution; but, after 
4 



26 JOHN HANCOCK. 

a long trial, he came out like gold seven times tried; he was weighed 
in the scale of justice, and not found wanting. 

As a proof of the high estimation in which he was held when in the 
assemhly, he was placed on the most important committees of that 
body, and was uniformly chairman. He was also elected speaker, but 
the governor, who was jealous of his liberal principles, put a veto 
upon his appointment. 

His intelligence had led him to investigate the laws of nature, of 
God, and of man; he arrived at the conclusion, that men are endow- 
ed by their Creator with certain inherent privileges, that they are 
born equal, and they of right are and should be free. He drank deep 
from the fountain of liberal principles, and was among the first to re- 
pel the blind and cruel policy of the mother country, and rouse his 
fellow men to a sense of impending danger. 

Although deeply interested in commercial business, and more ex- 
posed to the wrath of kingly power than any individual in the pro- 
vince, he boldly placed himself at the head of associations for prohi- 
biting the importation of goods from Great Britain. The other pro- 
vinces caught the fire from these examples; and, to these associations 
may be traced the preliminaries of the tragic scene, that resulted in 
the emancipation of the enslaved colonies of the pilgrim fathers. 

As an evidence that John Hancock was a leading patriot at that 
time, the first seizure that was made by the revenue officers, under 
pretence of some trivial violation of the laws, was that of one of his 
vessels. The excitement produced by this transaction was so great, 
that a large number collected to rescue the property. It was moved 
under the guns of an armed ship, ready charged, to repel any attack. 
But the popular fury rose like a thunder gust from the western hori- 
zon; they rushed to the onset; brought away the vessel, razed to the 
ground some of the houses occupied by the custom-house officers, and 
burnt, in triumph, the boat of the collector. This fire was, for a time, 
smothered by the mantle of authority, but it was never extinguished; 
it was the fire of Liberty. It only required to be fanned by the im- 
politic oppression that eventually blew it into curling flames. 

To prevent the recurrence of a similar scene, several regiments of 
British troops, with all their loathsome vices fresh upon them, were 
quartered amongst the inhabitants. This was like pouring pitch on a 
fire to extinguish it. The stubborn and independent spirits of Boston 
were not to be caved into subjection. The consequences were tragi- 
cal. On the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, a party of these 
soldiers fired upon, and killed a number of the citizens, who had col- 
lected to manifest their indignation against those they hated more than 
they/e«mZ. Had an earthquake shook the town to its very centre, 
the agitation could not have been greater. Had it been melting be- 
fore devouring flames, the commotion could not have increased. 

The tolling of bells; the groans of the wounded and dying; the 
shrieks of widows, mothers, and orphans; the flight of soldiers; the 
rush of the inhabitants; the cry of vengeance, urged on by popular 
fury; all combined to render it a scene of confusion and horror, upon 
which imagination dwells and sickens; beneath which, description 



JOHN HANCOCK. 27 

quails and trembles; at the sight of which, humanity bleeds at every 
pore. It is a commentary, strong and eloquent, upon the impropriety 
of quartering soldiers amongst citizens, of maintaining civil law by 
military force, and of intruding upon the sunctum sanctorum* of private 
and domestic peace. 

On the following day, a meeting of the inhabitants was held; a 
committee was appointed, at the head of which were Hancock and 
Samuel Adams, instructed to request the governor to remove the 
troops from the town. He at first refused, but finding, under exist- 
ing circumstances, that discretion was the better part of valour, he 
ordered their removal. This, with promises that the offenders should 
be brought to condign punishment, prevented further hostilities at 
that time. 

The awful and imposing solemnities of interring those who were 
killed, was then attended to. Their bodies were deposited in the 
same tomb; tears of sorrow, sympathy, and a just indignation, were 
mingled with the clods as they descended upon the butchered victims; 
and the event was, for many years, annually commemorated with 
deep and mournful solemnity. A te ileum and requiem were chanted 
to their memory, and the torch of liberty was replenished at their 
tomb. 

At one of these celebrations, in the midst of the revolution, John 
Hancock delivered the address. A few brief extracts will give the 
reader some idea of the feelings and sentiments that pervaded his 
bosom, and of his powers as an orator and a statesman. 

"Security to the persons and property of the governed, is so evi- 
dently the design and end of civil government, that to attempt a logi- 
cal demonstration of it, would be like burning a taper at noon day, 
to assist the sun in enlightening the world. It cannot be either vir- 
tuous or honourable to attempt to support institutions of which this 
is not the great and principal basis." 

"Some boast of being friends to government: I also am a friend to 
government, to a righteous government, founded upon the principles 
of reason and justice; but I glory in avowing my eternal enmity to 
tyranny. " 

He then proceeded to portray, in vivid colours, the wrongs inflicted 
by the mother country, and urged his fellow citizens to vindicate their 
injured rights. 

In speaking of the Boston massacre, his language shows the emo- 
tions of his heaving bosom, the feelings of his indignant soul. 

"I come reluctantly to the transactions of that dismal night, when, 
in such quick succession, we felt the extremes of grief, astonishment, 
and rage; when Heaven, in anger, suffered hell to take the reins; when 
Satan, with his chosen band, opened the sluices of New England's 
blood, and sacrilegiously polluted her land with the bodies of her guilt- 
less sons. 

"Let this sad tale never be told without a tear; let not the heaving 
bosom cease to burn with a manly indignation at the relation of it 

* Holy or sacred place. 



gg JOHN HANCOCK. 

through the long tracts of .future time; let every parent tell the story 
to his listening children, till the tears of pity glisten in their eyes, or 
boiling passion shakes their tender frames. 

"Dark and designing knaves, murderous parricides! how dare you 
tread upon the earth which has drunk the blood of slaughtered inno- 
cence shed by your hands? How dare you breathe that air, which 
wafted to the ear of heaven the groans of those who fell a sacrifice to 
your accursed ambition? But if the labouring earth doth not expand 
her jaws; if the air you breathe is not commissioned to be the minis- 
ter of death; yet, hear it and tremble! the eye of heaven penetrates 
the darkest chambers of the soul, and you, though screened from hu- 
man observation, must be arraigned, must lift your hands, red with 
the blood of those whose death you have procured, at the tremendous 
bar of God." 

His boldness greatly exasperated the adherents of the crown, and 
every artifice was put in requisition to injure his growing popularity. 
Amongst them, was his nomination by the governor, who had uni- 
formly been his enemy, to the council, hoping, by this stratagem, that 
he would, by his acceptance, turn the populace against him. By a 
prompt refusal he defeated the intrigues of his enemies, and riveted 
himself more strongly on the affections of those who favoured liberal 
principles, rendering himself more obnoxious to the king's officers,' 
He was at this time captain of the governor's guard, and was imme- 
diately removed. As a testimony of respect to him, his company; 
composed of the first citizens of Boston, dissolved themselves at once. 

The tocsin of the revolution was now sounded from the heights of 
Lexington; American blood had again been shed by British soldiers; 
the people heard the dread clarion of ^evolution; thousands rushed 
to the rescue; the hireling troops fled; in their flight, they found the 
messengers of death stationed on their whole route; retribution met 
them at every corner; the trees and fences were illumined by streams 
of fire from the rusty | muskets of the native yeomanry; and many of 
Briton's proud sons slumbered in the arms of death on that memorable, 
that eventful day. 

The governor, on the reception of this news, issued his proclama- 
tion in the name of his most Christian Majesty, George the III., de- 
claring the province in a state of rebellion, but graciously offering 
pardon to all returning penitents, excepting John Hancock and Samuel 
Adams, who had also rendered himself obnoxious by his patriotic and 
independent course. A secret attempt was made to arrest them, but 
was foiled. These two philanthropists were preserved to aid in the 
glorious cause they had boldly and nobly espoused, and to become 
shining lights in the blue arch of liberty, and bright examples of patriot- 
ism to future generations. Their proscription by the governor only- 
served to endear them still more to their friends and their bleeding 
country. In 1774, John Hancock was unanimously elected President 
of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts; and, in 1775, he was 
called to preside over the Continental Congress. He accepted this 
appointment with diffidence, there being many of its number much his 
senior, and of eminent talents. He, however, succeeded in discharg- 



JOHN HANCOCK. 29 

ing the arduous duties assigned him, with fidelity and great ability, 
and to the satisfaction of his colleagues and his country. 

His was the only name affixed to the Declaration of Independence 
when it was first published and presented to the fearless patriots for 
their approval; and it stands first in bold relievo, on a thousand fac 
similes, scattered through the world. It stands at the head of a list 
of sages, whose names are enrolled in unfading glory, and will be 
handed down to the remotest ages of time, unsullied and untar- 
nished. 

Impaired in his health and worn down by fatigue, Mr. Hancock 
resigned his station in Congress in October, 1777, having presided 
over that august body for two years and a half, with a credit to him- 
self, gratifying to his friends, and advantageous to the cause of human 
rights. 

Soon after he returned home, he was elected to a convention of his 
native state to form a constitution for its government. His expe- 
rience and talents were of great service in producing a truly republi- 
can instrument. In 1780, he was elected the first governor under the 
new constitution, and continued to fill the gubernatorial chair for five 
years, when he resigned. After two years he was again elected, and 
continued to fill this station, with dignity and usefulness, during the 
remainder of his life. During his administration over the destinies 
of his dear native state, there were many difficulties to overcome, many 
evils to suppress. The devastations of the war had paralyzed every 
kind of business; reduced thousands from affluence to poverty; pol- 
luted the morals of society; and left a heavy debt to be liquidated. 
Many conflicting interests were to be reconciled; many restless 
spirits were to be subdued; and many visionary theories were to 
be exploded. Insubordination, arrayed in a faction of 12,000 men, 
threatening to annihilate the government, was the most prominent evil 
to be removed. Abuses and riots were of frequent occurrence; the 
civil authorities were disregarded; and it was found necessary to call 
out the militia to preserve order. By the prudent management of 
Governor Hancock, these difficulties were adjusted, the clamour of 
the people hushed, their complaints silenced, order restored, and but 
few lives sacrificed at the shrine of treason. 

For a time, the governor, by his firm and determined course, incur- 
red the displeasure and enmity of many prominent men; but when rea- 
son resumed her station, and prosperity began to alleviate the burdens 
that had been so strongly felt, their ire was appeased, the sour feelings 
of party spirit lost their rancour, and admiration and esteem for his 
sterling virtues and talents, and the long and arduous services he had 
rendered his country and his state, disarmed his enemies of their re- 
sentment, and produced uniform love and esteem. 

He used his best exertions in favour of the adoption of the federal 
constitution, and, to cap the climax of his well earned fame, he left a 
sick bed on the last week of the session of the Assembly of his state, 
and, by his vote and influence, induced them to accept and sanction 
that important instrument of confederation, that has thus far held us 
in the bonds of union, strength, and power. 



30 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

Governor Hancock now had the satisfaction of seeing prosperity 
spread its benign influence over the whole infant republic, and her 
institutions, laws, trade, manufactures, commerce, and agriculture, 
based on the firm pillars of freedom and eternal justice. His long 
nursed vision was reduced to a happy reality; he felt that he could die 
in peace; and, on the 8th of October, 1793, his soul took, its flight 
suddenly and unexpectedly, to join the kindred spirits that had gone 
before, to enter upon the untried scenes of the eternal world. He 
continued to serve his country to the last, and, if a particle of malice 
against him lingered in the dark bosom of any man, it was buried with 
him in the tomb. Governor Hancock was amiable in his private cha- 
racter; highly honourable in his feelings; gentlemanly in his deport- 
ment; fashionable in his style of living; fond of innocent amusements, 
but free from corrupting vices; liberal and charitable; a friend to 1;he 
poor, the oppressed, and the distressed; diligent in business; open and 
frank in his disposition; a faithful companion; a public spirited citi- 
zen, and a consistent man. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

The name of Benjamin Franklin, conspicuous upon the pages of 
European and American biography, ever commands peculiar respect 
and veneration. It is surrounded with a rich variety, as rare as it is 
instructive and interesting. 

Franklin was born at Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706, exactly 
ninety years before my humble self. His father was among the puri- 
tans who fled before persecution, and sought repose in the wilds of 
Massachusetts. His parents were poor, but honest and esteemed. 
Poverty is ever inconvenient, but has not always been a disgrace. 
Honesty and industry were formerly the brightest stars on the 
escutcheon of fame. 

Franklin manifested a taste for improvement at an early age, and 
exhibited talents of a superior order. His pious parents encouraged 
his education as far as their limited means would permit, and were 
anxious to see him prepared for the pulpit; but necessity compelled 
his father to take him from school at the age of ten years, and place 
him in his shop, to aid him in the prosecution of the chandler business. 
But this did not paralyze his native genius. Original in every trait 
of his character, eccentric in his manner, and the child of nature and 
experiment, he commenced the study of practical philosophy, amidst 
candle wicks, tallow, and soap. He went through the experiments 
of ascertaining the precise quantity of sleep and food requisite to sup- 
ply the wants of nature, and the kind most conducive to health. At 
this early age, he adopted rules of temperance, frugality, and economy, 
worthy of imitation, and adorned with all the system of mature age. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 3 1 

He also accustomed himself to meet and bear disappointments with 
philosophic fortitude. He continued to improve his mind by reading, 
for which he had an insatiable thirst. Nothing passed by him unno- 
ticed, and his expanding genius drew philosophy from nature, from 
things, and from men. He reasoned, analyzed, moralized, and im- 
proved, from every thing he saw. Hence the vast expansion of his 
gigantic genius, comprehending at one bold view, through after life, 
the philosophy of mind, of nature, of science, of art, of government, 
of society, and all the relations of creation, from the dust under his 
feet, through the myriads of animalculoe in a drop of water, up to 
the bright seraphs of the skies. A mind like his could not long be 
confined in a chandler's shop. Open and honest in his disposition, he 
communicated his wish of moving in some other sphere, to his father. 
After an examination of the various trades, and working a short time 
with a cutler, he was bound to his brother, to learn the art of a 
printer. He soon became master of his profession, and left a shining 
example for all apprentices, by adding to his industry in business the 
improvement of his mind during every leisure hour — a happy prelude 
to his glorious and useful career through future life. 

So intensely bent on the acquisition of knowledge was Franklin, 
that he often preferred his book to his meal, and studied whole nights, 
in defiance of the commands and entreaties of Morpheus. As he was 
paid a weekly sum for his board, he adopted a course of simple vege- 
table diet, by which he saved money to purchase books. He manifest- 
ed a correct taste and a sound judgment in the selection of authors 
and subjects. Among them, he studied with admiration and attention 
the Memorabilia of Xenophon, and became one of the closest imita- 
tors of Socrates, in his mode of reasoning and habits of life, to be found 
on record. Before he became versed in the rules of propriety, he 
often gave offence by the bold and obstinate manner in which he ad- 
vanced and maintained his opinions. 

He now commenced his literary career; and, as is most usually the 
case with young authors, he offered his first sacrifice to Calliope, in a 
strain of rhyming ideas. His poetry was applauded, but his father, 
who was a man of sound judgment, cured him of his poetic mania, by 
turning his verses into ridicule; at the same time encouraging him to 
improve his talents by writing prose. Suspicious of his own ability, 
fearing the shafts of criticism, he managed to have several of his 
productions published in the paper edited by his brother, in so clan- 
destine a manner, that no one could know the author. When he 
found they met with general admiration, his vanity, as he says, did not 
let the world long remain ignorant of the writer. 

Being flattered by praise and attention from others, he began to feel 
his importance, which resulted in an open rupture between him and 
his brother, to whom he was an apprentice. For some time, he endured 
a course of harsh treatment, but at length resolved to free himself 
from the chains of bondage. He soon found an opportunity of embark- 
ing for New York, where he arrived in safety. Not being able to ob- 
tain business there, he bent his course towards the city of Philadel- 
phia, on foot, and alone % On his arrival there, he had but one solitary 



32 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

dollar left; was a stranger, and only seventeen years of age; and, 
without business, must soon be dependent on the cold charities of the 
world for his bed and board. On entering Market street, his eccen- 
tric appearance excited the gaze of the multitude, as much as his 
towering talents subsequently did the gaze of the world. He had a 
roll of bread under each arm, and, approaching the Delaware, he sat 
down and feasted upon his bread and the pure water from the river. 
His pockets were projected to an enormous size with the various arti- 
cles of his wardrobe, and, on the whole, his corpulent appearance was 
not in bad keeping with old Boniface. 

Although there were but two printing offices in Philadelphia, he 
succeeded in obtaining employment in one, as compositor. He now 
reduced all his theories of economy to successful practice, maintaining 
himself at a trifling expense, pursuing a correct and industrious career, 
which gained for him the esteem of all his acquaintances. Among 
others, his talents attracted the attention of Sir William Keith, then 
Governer of the province, who invited him to his house and treated 
him with great kindness. 

The governor was a man whose liberality in promises, often went 
beyond the means of his purse. Anxious to see his young friend placed 
in more auspicious circumstances by his benefaction, he proposed to 
set him up in business, and sent him to London, with letters of high 
commendation, to obtain the necessary materials for his new enter- 
prise. On his arrival there, he was much chagrined to find that no 
pecuniary arrangements were made by his new benefactor, and he 
found himself in a strange land without money to enable him to re- 
turn. But this was only another lesson of experience, in whose school 
he delighted to study; and, instead of sitting down under the weight 
of disappointment and dejection, he soon obtained employment, and, 
by his skill and industry, gained the confidence and esteem of all 
his new acquaintances. After residing there for eighteen months he 
took passage for Philadelphia on the 22nd of July, 1726. On his 
way home he concocted a set of rules to govern his actions through 
future life, of the following substance: 

I resolve to be frugal; to speak truth at all times; never to raise 
expectations not to be realized; to be sincere; to be industrious; to 
be stable; to speak ill of no man; to cover, rather than expose the 
faults of others; and to do all the good I can to my fellow men. 

Upon this foundation of native granite he built a superstructure, as 
beautiful and enduring as the proudest memorials of Greece and 
Rome. 

He arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of October, and engaged 
with the merchant, who owned the goods brought in by the ship in 
which he came, as a clerk. The same industry and success attended 
him in the counting-house that cheered him at the press, showing 
clearly that his talents were of a rare and rich variety. His future 
prospects in this new department brightened before him, but were sud- 
denly prostrated by the death of his employer, which threw him back 
into his former trade. For a few months he worked for his old master, 
but finding a partner who had more money than skill, they com- 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 33 

menccd business on their own account. His industry and exertions 
were now put in full requisition: he manned his own wheelbarrow in 
collecting materials for business, and put nature on short allowance, 
until he should acquire enough to be free from debt. His industry, 
punctuality, and correct deportment, gained him many valuable and 
influential friends, through whose patronage he was enabled to extend 
his business, and shake oft' his partner, who had become worse than 
worthless, by embarrassing and retarding the business of the firm. 
Up to this era in his life, Franklin had been emphatically fortune's 
foot-ball. His life had been a complete checker-board of changing 
vicissitudes, blasted hopes, and keen disappointments. But, amidst 
all the stormy trials that had tossed his youthful bark to and fro, sur- 
rounded by the foaming torrents of vice, he never became tarnished 
by corruption, or degraded by the commission of a base or mean 
action. The moral principles deeply planted in his bosom by pa- 
rental instruction during his childhood, were as lasting as his life; a 
happy illustration of the good effects of faithfulness in parents to- 
wards their children. 

Having now become liberated from his partner in business, he began 
to feel the necessity and propriety of choosing another, to fill up the 
vacuum in his side, and share with him the joys and sorrows that 
awaited him on this mundane sphere of action. Accordingly, in 1730, 
he entered into a partnership for life with a widow lady, whose maiden 
name was Read, and for whom he had contracted an attachment pre- 
vious to her first marriage. In him she found a kind husband, and in 
her he found a much more agreeable partner than his former one. 

Philanthropy predominated in the heart of Franklin; to better the 
condition of his fellow men, was pleasure to his soul. The rules 
governing the "Junto," formed by him, and now merged in the Phi- 
losophical Society, show a superior knowledge of human nature, 
and of the duty men owe to the creature and the Creator. They 
breathe universal charity, kindness, benevolence, and good will to all 
mankind. Among them is one for the suppression of intemperance, 
a prophetic prelude to the exertions of the present day in this cause. 

Franklin had profited by the experience of the past, and was now 
enabled to steer clear of the numerous rocks and quicksands of error, 
on which so many are ruined and lost. Although he rode in many a 
storm, prosperity beamed upon him from this time onward, through a 
long life of usefulness. His new partner smiled upon him, his friends 
esteemed him, and in the pleasures of the present, past pains were 
forgotten. 

In 1732, he commenced the publication of "Poor Richard's Alma- 
nac," which he continued until 1737, circulating 10,000 copies annu- 
ally. Although under an humble title, it was a work of great merit, 
being replete with maxims and rules calculated for every day use in 
the various relations of life. It gained great celebrity in Europe, and 
was translated into various languages. 

About this time he commenced the publication of a newspaper, 
which was conducted with great ability, free from all scurrility, and 
5 



34 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

a messenger of truth. Would to God the same could be said of all 
the public prints of the present day. 

He continued to pursue his studies, until he added to general sci- 
ence a knowledge of the French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin lan- 
guages. By the "Junto" a small library was commenced, which 
formed the first stepping stone to the present city collection. He 
wrote and published a highly interesting pamphlet on the necessity of 
a paper currency, and added much to his literary fame by the produc- 
tion of various essays, written in his truly original style. He filled, 
successively and successfully, the situation of state printer, clerk of 
the General Assembly, and post-master of Philadelphia. He used 
unwearied exertions to increase municipal improvement in the city, by 
the organization of fire companies, lighting and improving the streets, 
regulating the watch, and reducing every thing to that system, order, 
and harmony, so congenial to his mind. He was the patron and father 
of the Philosophical Society, the Pennsylvania University and Hos- 
pital; and contributed, in every way he could, to advance the glory 
and prosperity of his adopted home, and the happiness and peace of 
his fellow citizens. All the important enterprises, both in the city 
and province, during these days of his towering fame, were either 
originated by him, or were more rapidly advanced by his wisdom and 
counsel; and scarcely any project was undertaken without his ap- 
proving sanction. 

In 1741, he commenced the publication of a "General Magazine," 
which contained much useful matter, but was less acceptable than his 
previous writings, being in part devoted to the litigated points of di- 
vinity. 

The mechanic arts were also much improved by him. He brought 
to their aid philosophy and chemistry, and combined them with sci- 
ence, economy, and nature. He improved the chimneys, constructed 
a stove, and proposed many useful and economical corrections in do- 
mestic concerns, from the garret to the cellar, from the plough to the 
mill. Science acknowledged his master spirit, the arts hailed him as 
their patron, the lightning bowed in subjection to his magic rod, and 
nature claimed him as her favourite son. 

In 1 744, he was elected a member of the provincial assembly, where 
he was continued for ten successive years. Although not a popular 
speaker, his clear head and sound judgment, as a legislator and a 
statesman, gave him an influence over that body before unknown. 

During the years he was serving his country in the assembly, he 
also served in the fields of experimental philosophy, and explained 
many of the mysterious phenomena of nature, that spread his fame to 
the remotest bounds of the civilized world. His discoveries in elec- 
tricity alone, were sufficient to have immortalized his name. He was 
the first man on record who imparted magnetism to steel — melted 
metals, killed animals, and fired gunpowder by means of electricity; 
and the first who conceived and reduced to practice, the method of 
conducting lightning from the clouds to the points of steel rods, and, 
by them, harmless to the ground. All the elements and fluids, the 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 35 

air, sea, and land, underwent the close investigation of his vast, his 
philosophic mind. 

In 1758, he was sent to Carlisle to conclude a treaty with the In- 
dians; and in the following year, to Albany, to meet a congress of 
commissioners, to arrange means of defence against the threatened 
hostilities of the French and savages. He there submitted a plan that 
met with the unanimous approbation of the commissioners, but was so 
republican in its features, as to be rejected by those who had at heart 
the interests of their king more than the happiness of the colonists. 

On the decease of the deputy post-master general of America, 
Franklin succeeded him, and raised the department from a state of 
embarrassment and expense, to a fruitful source of revenue to the 
crown. 

About this time difficulties arose between the proprietors and go- 
vernment in the province of Pennsylvania, which were finally referred 
to the mother country for adjustment, and Franklin was sent to Eng- 
land in June, 1757, as advocate for the province. With his usual 
industry and address, he performed the duties of his mission, the dif- 
ficulties were adjusted, and in 1762, he returned, received a vote of 
thanks from the assembly, and a compensation of five hundred pounds. 
He was now variously employed in regulating the post-office depart- 
ment, making treaties with the Indians, and devising means of de- 
fence on the frontiers: every department of government feeling his 
beneficial influence. New difficulties arose between the assembly 
and the proprietors, and, in 1764, Franklin again sailed for England, 
with instructions to obtain the entire abolishment of proprietary au- 
thority. On his arrival there, he was called upon to perform more 
important and perilous duties. The plan for taxing the colonies had 
been long agitated, and was now matured by the British ministry. 
This project Franklin had opposed from the beginning, and he was 
now arraigned to answer numerous accusations brought against him 
by the enemies of liberty. On the 3d of February, 1766, he appeared 
before the House of Commons to undergo a public examination. He 
was found equal to the task; his enemies were astounded at his logic', 
boldness, dignity, and skill; and his friends were filled with admira- 
tion at the able manner he confuted every accusation, and defended 
the rights and interests of his native country. Amidst the attacks of 
artifice and insolence of power, he stood unmoved, and firm as a 
marble statue. He remained in England eleven years as the agent 
of the colonies, opposing the encroachments of the crown upon the 
rights of Americans; and, during the whole time, all the combined 
efforts of malice, flattery, and intrigue, were unable to ensnare or in- 
timidate him. He became acquainted with the etiquette, corruptions, 
and devices of diplomacy; but never bent his knee to Baal, or kissed 
the hand of a crowned head. 

Matters had now arrived at a crisis that induced his departure for 
his long neglected home. His personal safety in England, and the 
need of his public services in his own country, admonished him to 
return. He accordingly embarked, and arrived at Philadelphia in 
the beginning of May, 1775, He was received with marked atten- 



36 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

tion and esteem, and immediately elected to the continental congress, 
adding new lustre and dignity to that august body, and enrolling his 
name among the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Not- 
withstanding he had used every exertion to reconcile difficulties with 
Great Britain, and believed his country was yet too weak to achieve 
its independence, his course was now onward, resolved, with his 
patriotic colleagues, on liberty or death. 

The talents of Franklin were now had in constant requisition, both 
by his own state and in the general congress. He was always selected 
to meet the agents of the crown, who were at various times commis- 
sioned to offer terms of inglorious peace. They always found in him 
the firm uncompromising advocate of liberty; the shrewd and wary 
politician; the bold and zealous defender of the rights of his bleeding- 
country. The disasters of the American army during the campaign 
of 1778, induced congress to apply to France for assistance. All eyes 
were turned on Franklin to perform this important mission. In Oc- 
tober, 1776, he embarked upon this delicate embassy, and, after a 
most vigilant intercession, succeeded in concluding a treaty of alli- 
ance with that nation, on the 6th of February, 1778, to the great joy 
of himself and his suffering countrymen. When the news of this 
alliance reached England, the ministry were much alarmed, and de- 
spatched messengers to Paris to endeavour to induce Franklin to enter 
into a compromise. All was in vain. To Mr. Hutton and others, 
who came to him with the olive branch of peace, he replied: "I never 
think of your ministry and their abettors, but with the image strongly 
painted in my view of their hands red and -dropping with the blood of 
my countrymen, friends and relations. No peace can be signed by 
those hands, unless you drop all pretensions to govern us, meet us on 
equal terms, and avoid all occasions of future discord." 

He met all their intrigues at the threshold, and they became con- 
vinced that the hardy yeomanry of America were not to be dragooned, 
flattered, or driven from the bold position they had assumed. During 
the numerous interviews he had with these emissaries, (I can call them 
by no milder term,) Franklin was cautioned by Mr. Hcartley to be- 
ware of his personal safety, which had been repeatedly threatened. 
He thanked his friend and assured him he felt no alarm, that he had 
nearly finished a long life, and that the short remainder was of no 
great value. He ironically remarked: "Perhaps the best use such an 
old fellow can be put to, is to make a martyr of him." 

If it required much skill and perseverance to negotiate an alliance 
with France, it required more to preserve it. A republican form of 
government is ever repugnant to kingly power. That the French in 
America would imbibe liberal principles, was a matter of course. That 
the thrones of Europe would be endangered on their return, was truly 
predicted. By this course of ingenious reasoning, the British minis- 
ters exerted a powerful influence against the continuation of the alli- 
ance. But the eagle eye of Franklin penetrated, anticipated, and 
frustrated all their dark schemes of intrigue; and, in the event, they 
were compelled to comply with his terms of peace, acknowledge the 
independence of the colonies, and retire, defeated, disgraced, and 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 37 

humbled. In the arduous duties of settling definitive preliminaries 
of peace, Franklin was aided by Messrs. Adams, Jay, and Laurens. 
These duties were closed, and a definitive treaty concluded with 
Great Britain and the United States at Paris on the 3d of Septem- 
ber, 1783. 

Although anxious to be discharged from further public service, it 
was not until 1785, that Franklin was permitted to return to his be- 
loved country, where he could breathe the pure air of republican free- 
dom, no longer polluted by kingly power. During this time he had 
concluded treaties between the United States and the kings of Sweden 
and Prussia. On his departure from Europe every mark of respect 
was paid to him by kings, by courts, by the literati, and by all classes 
of society that the most towering ambition could desire. He was 
clothed with the mantle of love and unfading glory. His reputation 
was perched sublimely on the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear. He 
had been a pillow of fire to the American cause, and a pillar of smoke 
to the enemies of human rights. 

At the age of eighty years, borne down by fatigue and disease, he 
returned to Philadelphia. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy, esteem, 
and respect by all the friends of liberty, from the humblest citizen up 
to the illustrious Washington. 

Notwithstanding his advanced age, and his great anxiety to retire 
from the public gaze, he was soon appointed Governor of Pennsylva- 
nia — and subsequently, in 1787, elected a delegate to the convention 
that framed the federal constitution. Many of the bright traits of that 
matchless instrument received their finishing stroke from his master 
hand. Early in 1790, his infirmities of body confined him to his room, 
but his immortal mind remained unimpaired. When approaching 
rapidly the confines of eternity, he still looked with anxious solici- 
tude upon the interests of the young republic. He still continued to 
benefit mankind by his writings and counsels. Some of the strongest 
and most vivid productions from his pen were written during his 
confinement. His diseases continued to increase, and on the 17th of 
April, 1790, calm and resigned, cool and collected, peaceful and 
happy, he resigned his spirit into the hands of his Creator — quitted 
this vale of tears, and slumbered, quietly and sweetly, in the arms of 
death — in the full faith of rising to a glorious immortality in realms 
of bliss beyond the skies. 

By his will he prohibited all pomp and parade at his funeral. He 
was anxious that the plain republican manner of his long and useful 
life, should be strictly observed in the mournful obsequies of his in- 
terment. He was buried on the 21st of April, in the north-west 
corner of Christ Church yard, where a plain marble slab, even with 
the surface of the earth, points to where he lies. With his, moulders 
the dust of his wife, with whom he had lived in harmony and peace. 
No other inscription is upon the tomb except his and her name. 

His death was deeply lamented throughout the civilized world. 
Congress ordered mourning to be observed throughout the United 
States one month. The event was solemnized, and many eulogies 
pronounced in France. The National Assembly decreed 'that each 



38 ROGER SHERMAN. 

of its members should wear a badge of mourning on the occasion for 
three days. The sensations produced there by his death, were as im- 
posing and interesting, and celebrated with as much devotion as those 
recently witnessed in our own country on the death of La Fayette. 

In reviewing the life of this great benefactor of mankind, we find a 
richer variety to admire than in that of any individual upon the his- 
toric page. In whatever station he moved he was a luminary of the 
first magnitude. He entered upon the stage of action at a time when 
the world needed just such a man; and continued upon it just long 
enough to finish all he had begun. He was found just equal to every 
work he undertook, and always stopped at the golden point of the 
finishing stroke — a modest hint for me to close. You who profess to 
admire his virtues, talents, and usefulness, prove your sincerity by 
imitating his examples. 



ROGER SHERMAN. 

The man who has been rocked in the cradle of letters from his 
childhood; who has become familiar with general science, the classics, 
and philosophy; who has had a father to aid, and friends to caress him; 
whose path has been smoothed by uninterrupted prosperity — and does 
not ascend the ladder of fame, is either untrue to himself, or destitute 
of native talent. With all the advantages of an education lavished 
upon him, he sinks into obscurity, and the fond anticipations and fu- 
ture hopes of a doting parent, set in gloom. 

When, on the other hand, we see a man, whose opportunities un- 
acquiring an education during childhood and youth carried him not 
far beyond the confines of the spelling book; a man, who had no father 
or guardian to warn him against the quicksands of error or point him 
to the temple of science; his intellect enveloped in the rude attire of 
nature's quarry at the age of twenty; when we see such a man burst- 
ing the chains that bind his mental powers — divesting himself of the 
dark mantle of ignorance — unveiling his native talents, and shining in 
all the beauty of intelligence and greatness — we are filled with admi- 
ration and delight. 

Such a man was Roger Sherman, the great-grandson of Captain 
John Sherman, who came from England to Watertown, Massachu- 
setts, in 1635. Roger was born in Newton, Massachusetts, on the 
19th of April, 1721. His father, William Sherman, was a respect- 
able farmer, with means too limited to educate his son, and, at an 
early age, bound him to a shoemaker. Like Franklin, at the age of 
nineteen, he wandered from his master to seek his fortune, and like 
him, he had a genius that no shop could confine, no obstacle intimi- 
date, or difficulty paralyze. The course of his mind was onward, up- 
ward; like a new and blazing star, illuminating the horizon as it rose. 
Nature designed him to be great and good; he obeyed her dictates. 



ROGER SHERMAN. 39 

He went to New Milford, in Connecticut, where he followed shoe- 
making three years, living within the strictest rules of economy, con- 
tributing from his earnings to the support of a widowed mother, with 
a family of small children. The education of his young brothers and 
sisters, also received his attention. Every leisure moment he devoted 
to books, often having one open before him when using his lap stone. 
With each succeeding day, his mind expanded, unfolding beauties 
rich and rare. Every obstacle to the pursuit of knowledge, melted be- 
fore his untiring industry; he ascended the hill of science with a firm 
and steady pace. 

In June, 1743, he removed his mother and her family to New Mil- 
ford, and entered into the mercantile business with an elder brother — 
still pursuing his studies as opportunities permitted. He soon stored 
his capacious memory with a fund of rich and useful information, that 
ultimately placed him on the pinnacle of public esteem and useful- 
ness. About that time, he made a public profession of religion, which 
he adorned through subsequent life. In 1745, he was appointed sur- 
veyor of Litchfield county, having made himself familiar with mathe- 
matics. Like his contemporary and friend, Benjamin Franklin, he 
made the calculations of an almanac several years, for a publisher in 
New York. 

At the age of twenty-eight, he married Miss Elizabeth Hartwell, 
of Staughton, Massachusetts, who died in 1780, leaving seven chil- 
dren. He subsequently married Miss Rebecca Prescott, who lived 
to have eight children, all of whom, with those by his first wife, he 
carefully trained in the ways of wisdom and virtue. He also support- 
ed his mother, and a maiden sister whose health was poor, until death 
relieved them, at an advanced age, from the toils of life. 

In the prosecution of his literary pursuits, he turned his attention 
to the study of law, in which he made astonishing proficiency. In 
1754, he was admitted to the bar, better prepared to act well his part 
and do justice to his clients, than many who are ushered into notice 
under the high floating banners of a collegiate diploma. 

The following year he was appointed a justice of the peace and 
elected a member of the colonial assembly; an honour that was con- 
ferred upon him during the remainder of his residence at that place. 
He was highly esteemed by his fellow citizens. His reputation as a 
lawyer and statesman stood high, and his private worth enabled him 
to exercise a salutary influence upon those around him. For industry, 
sound logic, prudence, and discretion, he stood unrivalled in the colo- 
ny. Strong common sense, the true helm of human action, marked 
his whole career; rendering him substantially and extensively useful 
to his fellow men and his country. He was a philanthropist of the 
highest order, a patriot of the purest water. 

In 1759, he was appointed a judge of the county court of Litch- 
field, and discharged his official duties with great faithfulness and im- 
partiality, correcting vice and promoting virtue. 

Two years after, he removed to New Haven, where he was appoint- 
ed justice of the peace, elected to the assembly, and, in 1765, was 
placed upon the judicial bench of the county court. He received the 



4Q ROGER SHERMAN. 

degree of master of arts from Yale College, of which he was treasurer 
for many years, fulfilling the trust with scrupulous honesty and 
fidelity. 

In 1766, he was elected a member of the executive council, which 
was hailed as an auspicious event by the friends of liberal principles. 
The mother country had manifested a disposition to impose unjust 
taxation upon the Americans. It required discernment, experience, 
nerve and decision, to comprehend and oppose the corrupt plans of an 
avaricious ministry. The colonies had borne the main burden of the 
French war, in which they had sacrificed large sums of money and 
fountains of their richest blood. After years of incessant toil, the foe 
had been conquered, an honourable peace for England obtained, the 
frontier settlements in a measure relieved from danger, and the soldier 
again became the citizen. 

Whilst their rejoicings on that occasion were yet on the wings of 
echo, oppression from the crown threatened to blast their fond antici- 
pations of happiness and repose, and bind them in chains, more to be 
dreaded than the tomahawk and scalping knife. 

This colony had furnished more money and men, and lost more of 
her bravest sons in the French war than any other with the same 
population. Mr. Sherman had been an active member of the assem- 
bly during the period of its prosecution, and remembered well the sacri- 
fices that had been made to gratify the king. He understood perfectly 
the rights of his own country and those of the crown. He was emi- 
nently prepared to discover approaching danger and sound the alarm. 
He was well calculated to probe the intrigues and venality of design- 
ing men, although the Atlantic rolled between him and them. 

Mr. Grenville, who was at the head of the'British ministry, deter- 
mined to reduce his long-nursed theoryfof taxing the American colo- 
nies, to immediate practice. The alarm was immediately spread. 
Appeals for redress, petitions, and remonstrances, numerously sign- 
ed, were forwarded to parliament ; but all in vain. Reason and jus- 
tice were dethroned and mercy banished from her seat. The car of 
oppression moved onward; the stamp act was passed; the indignation 
of the colonists was roused. After much exertion and excitement, 
this law was repealed, to the great joy of the Americans; but they 
soon found that the storm was only lulled to glther new strength, and 
pour down its wrath upon their devoted heads with tenfold fury. The 
year following a duty was laid upon tea, glass, paper, and paints. 
High toned chords were then touched, and their reverberation reach- 
ed the heart of every freeman. The tea was hurled into the ocean 
and the law set at open defiance. This spirited opposition induced a 
repeal of these duties, except on the first named article. This excep- 
tion was death to the colonial power of England; to America, freedom. 
Popular fury increased; kindred spirits united to repel the injury, de- 
termined to defend their liberty, regardless of consequences. Amidst 
these commotions, Mr. Sherman remained undaunted at his post, 
watching, with a calm and prophetic mind, the moving elements. 
Although elevated to the bench of the superior court, he remained in 
the executive council, a firm and consistent advocate of his country's 



ROGER SHERMAN. 41 

rights; a lucid delineator of Britain's wrongs. He viewed the gather- 
ing clouds as they rolled in fury; he saw the lightning of revenge 
streaming fearfully, without the tremor of a muscle, coolly awaiting 
the event, relying on Heaven, trusting in God. 

High handed and tyrannical measures were now adopted by Parlia- 
ment. Laws were passed, violating the chartered rights of the colo- 
nists, subversive of reason, humanity, and justice. A volcanic storm 
gathered; the British lion prowled in anger: the Albion Goliah buckled 
on his armour; the shining steel dazzled in the sun; the sword of ven- 
geance was drawn; colonial blood was spilt; popular fury was roused; 
allegiance was dissolved; America was free. 

At this momentous, this thrilling crisis, a band of sages and pa- 
triots assembled at Philadelphia, to devise means for the safety of their 
bleeding country. In the front rank stood Roger Sherman, in all the 
dignity of his native greatness. He was a member of the first conti- 
nental Congress, and remained firm and unwavering at his post, dur- 
ing the trying scenes of the revolution, the formation of the new go- 
vernment, and the adoption of the federal constitution. With a 
gigantic mind, improved and enlarged by a rich fund of useful know- 
ledge, inured to all the toils and intricacies of legislation, the history 
of his country and of nations spread upon his memory, the ingratitude 
and insults of a foreign monarch preying upon his soul, he was pre- 
pared to render his country services, equalled by few, exceeded by 
none. 

His capacity was equal to every emergency: he shrunk from no 
duty; discharged every responsibility assumed; moving, with the ma- 
thematical precision of a. planet, within the orbit of sound discretion. 
He was familiar with men and things, acquainted with the minutise 
of human nature, traced causes and results to their true source, and 
viewed, with a philosophic eye, the secret springs of human action; 
the arcana of economies was open before him; he solved problems, 
demonstrated principles, placing them in the full blaze of illustra- 
tion, as irresistible as the pages of Euclid. Such was the self- 
taught Roger Sherman. 

The session of 1775 was one of great labour, anxiety, and embar- 
rassment. None but "hearts of oak, and nerves of steel," could have 
sustained the tremendous shock, the fearful onset. An army was to 
be raised and organized, military stores provided, fortifications erect- 
ed, rules of government adopted, plans of operation matured, internal 
enemies encountered, and legions of Britain's bravest veterans to be 
repelled. To meet these emergencies, the members of Congress had 
hearts full of courage, but a treasury empty and bare. A forlorn hope 
was before them — a revenging foe on their shores. But they had re- 
solved on liberty or death. Nor did they "split on the rock of re- 
solves, where thousands live and die the same." They met the fury 
of the king, encountering his vials of wrath with a firmness, wisdom, 
and patriotism, before unknown; placing them above all Greek, all 
Roman fame. Their course was onward towards the goal of freedom. 
No threats of vengeance dismayed them — the shafts of terror fell harm- 
less at their feet. 
6 



42 ROGER SHERMAN. 

In 1776, with the colonies bleeding at every pore; a picture of sad 
reverses before them; a conquering enemy sweeping over their land 
like a destructive torrent; the streams purpled with the blood of their 
brethren; the cries of v/idows and orphans ringing in their ears; the 
sky illuminated by the streaming blaze of their towns; this band of 
patriots conceived the bold and towering plan of independence — a 
plan that stamped their heads, their hearts, their names, witlfimmor- 
tal fame. 

Early in the summer, Messrs. Sherman, Adams, Franklin, Living- 
ston and Jefferson, were appointed a committee to draft a declaration 
of rights. After much deliberation, it was prepared, reported, and, 
on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, received the hearty sanction of 
the Continental Congress, amidst the transporting joys of freemen, 
who hailed it as the bright, the morning star; to them, a prelude of 
future bliss; to tyrants, a burning meteor, threatening to devour them. 

Illustrious in all their actions, the signers of the declaration were 
eminently so, when, assuming their native dignity, they rose, in all 
the majesty of greatness, bursting their servile chains; cutting asun- 
der the cords of oppressive allegiance; sublimely passing the grand 
Rubicon; and, in view of an approving Heaven and an admiring 
world, declared their country free and independent. The era was 
one of resplendent glory, sacred to the cause of human rights, en- 
during as the tablet of time, brilliant as the meridian sun. The sages 
whose signatures grace the chart of our liberty placed themselves on 
the loftiest spire fame could rear. By their own consciences, by their 
countrymen, by Heaven, and in view of gazing millions, they stood 
approved, applauded, and admired. 

No member of the Continental Congress had studied more closely 
and comprehended more clearly finance and political economy than 
Judge Sherman. His mind was moulded in system, his plans were 
judicious, and his habits frugal. He was a practical man and con- 
versant with every department of government. He was an efficient 
member of the board of war, ordnance, and the treasury. In short, 
he was placed on the most important committees during the long and 
bloody struggle of the revolution. His plans for replenishing the 
treasury, regulating expenditures, and disbursing moneys, were based 
on rules of economy and frugality, corresponding with the emergency 
of the times. Fraudulent contractors shrunk before his penetrating 
scrutiny; speculations upon government were often paralyzed by his 
torpedo touch; and he guarded, with an eagle eye and a father's care, 
the interests of the young republic. 

In the estimation of Washington, the members of Congress, and 
of the nation, the talents of Roger Sherman, for sterling integrity 
and substantial usefulness, were second to none among the bright 
constellations that illuminated the memorable era of '76. In those 
days the ladder of fame was tirmly based on honest merit and modest 
worth. It required no stump speeches or bar-room harangues to 
gain popular favour. The tree was judged by its fruit; principles 
and not men, were the political land marks. It was also a time of 
labour. Inglorious ease was not known in the legislative halls; long 



ROGER SHERMAN. 43 

written speeches were not read to the speaker and walls of the house: 
the business of the nation was the order of the day; that business was 
done faithfully, promptly, and effectually. Posts of honour were 
then posts of duty; profit was out of the question. The motives and 
actions of the revolutionary sages and heroes were not based on the 
seven principles of five loaves and two fishes, but on love of country, 
social order, and human rights. 

By the citizens of his own stato the virtues and talents of Mr. 
Sherman were held in high estimation. In addition to his congres- 
sional honours, they continued him a member of council during the 
war. In 1784, when New Haven received a city charter, he was 
elected mayor, filling the office with dignity and usefulness to the 
close of his life, when not absent on more important public duties. 

At the termination of the war, he, in conjunction with Judge Law, 
was appointed to revise the judicial code of Connecticut, which duty 
was performed with great ability, and to the satisfaction of all con- 
cerned. He was a member of the general convention that framed the 
federal constitution. From a manuscript found amongst his papers, 
it appears that this instrument of union received many of its original 
features from Mr. Sherman. To his conceptive mind and practical 
wisdom, we are much indebted for the towering greatness and unpa- 
ralleled prosperity we so eminently enjoy, and which will endure so 
long as we are faithful to ourselves. With all the local and conflict- 
ing interests of the colonies spread open to his view, he was enabled 
to exercise a salutary influence in reconciling difficulties between the 
members, that, for a time, threatened to hurl back the elements of 
government into original chaos, and prostrate the fair fabric of liberty. 

By examining the profound discussions, the variety of opinions, 
the multifarious interests, the intense anxiety, the agony of soul, and 
sacrifices of private views that characterized the formation of the 
federal constitution, we discover wisdom, discretion and patriotism 
of the purest, loftiest kind, shining in all the grandeur of bold relievo. 

Based upon the declaration of rights, it forms a superstructure 
towering in sublimity above all others, radiating its heart-cheering 
influence over sixteen millions of freemen, revered at home, respected 
abroad, and without a rival in the annals of legislation. 

Judge Sherman did much to remove the objections made against 
this important document by the people of his own and adjoining states. 
He showed them clearly, and convinced them fully, that to effect and 
perpetuate the union, private feeling and interest must yield to public 
policy and public good; and that each state should strive to produce 
an equilibrium in the government of the whole. The wisdom of the 
sages who framed, and by their continued exertion and salutary influ- 
ence effected the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, 
deserves our admiration quite as much as when they guided our 
nation through the storms of the revolution. It is often easier to 
acquire a particular object than to properly enjov and preserve it. 

Judge Sherman was elected a member of thefirst congress under 
the new government, and resigned his judicial station that he mi^ht 



44 ROGER SHERMAN. 

take a seat in that body. His influence had great weight in the na- 
tional legislature. His exertions to promote the interests of his coun- 
try were unremitting. Traces of his magnanimity and prophetic 
policy are upon the journals, and in many of the early laws of our 
country. 

Upon many subjects members differed, and, in some instances, much 
warmth and acrimony were exhibited. On such occasions, Mr. Sher- 
man was peculiarly happy in his exertions to produce reconciliation. 
He was emphatically a peace maker. 

At the expiration of his representative term, he was elected to the 
United States Senate, of which he was a member when he closed his 
useful career, and bade a long adieu, a final farewell, to earth and its 
toils. He died on the 23d of July, 1793, in the full enjoyment of that re- 
ligion he had honoured and practised in all the changing scenes of his 
eventful pilgrimage. He had lived the life of a good man, his closing 
scene was calm, happy, and serene. He could triumph over death 
and the grave, reaching forward to receive the enduring prize of im- 
mortal glory. He could approach the dread tribunal of the great Je- 
hovah, smiling and smiled upon; and enter into pure and unalloyed 
bliss, lasting as the rolling ages of eternity. 

Thus closed the valuable and useful life of Roger Sherman. He 
had been a faithful public servant nearly forty years. He had parti- 
cipated in all the trying scenes of the revolution; he had seen his 
country burst into being, a nation of freemen. He had aided in effect- 
ing a consolidation of the government; he had seen the dawnings of 
prosperity. In all the important measures of the state of his adoption, 
and of the American nation, he had taken an active and important 
part, from the commencement of the French war to the time of his 
death. 

As a christian, he was esteemed by all denominations, for his con- 
sistent piety and liberal charity. With him, sectarianism was not 
religion; for him it had no charms. His philanthropy was as broad as 
creation; it reached from earth to Heaven. He made himself acquaint- 
ed with the abstrusest branches of theology, and was an esteemed 
correspondent of several celebrated divines. 

In the history of Roger Sherman, we behold one of nature's fairest 
sheets of purest white, covered with all the sublime delineations that 
dignify a man, and assimilate him to his Creator. His life was crown- 
ed with unfading laurels, plucked from the rich soil of genuine worth 
and substantial merit. No ephemeral flowers decked his venerable 
brow. A chaplet of amaranthine roses surmounts his well-earned 
fame. The mementos of his examples are a rich boon to posterity, and, 
whilst religion and social order survive, the virtues of this great and 
good man will shine in all the majesty of light. His private charac- 
ter was as pure as his public career was illustrious. He buried none 
of his talents; he fulfilled the design of his creation. 

By his example it is plainly demonstrated, that man is the architect 
of his own fortune. By industry and perseverance, with the aid of books, 
now accessible to all, young apprentices and mechanics may surmount 
the Alpine summit of science, and take their stations, with superior 



EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 45 

advantages, by the side of those who have become enervated within the 
walls of a college. No one in our land of intelligence is excusable 
for growing up under the dark shades of ignorance. The sun of 
science has risen, and all who will, may bask in its genial rajs. The 
field of knowledge and path to glory are open to all. The means of 
acquiring information are far superior to those enjoyed by Sherman 
and Franklin. Let their bright and shining examples be imitated by 
Columbia's sons, and our happy republic will live for centuries. Let 
ignorance, corruption, and fanaticism predominate, and the fair fabric 
of our freedom, reared by the valour, and cemented by the blood of 
the revolutionary patriots, will tremble, totter, and fall. Chaos will 
mount the car of discoid, sound the dread clarion of death, and 
liberty will expire amidst the smoking ruins of her own citadel. 
Remember that "knowledge is power," wealth "the sinews of power," 
and that honesty, virtue, and integrity are the regulators of them both. 
Remember that intrigue, fanaticism, and faction may prostrate, at one 
bold stroke, the fairest, noblest work of years. 



EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 

The thrilling subject of American Independence is ever welcome 
to the patriot and philanthropist. The annual celebration of the event 
is calculated to perpetuate a kindred feeling and a kindred love of 
liberty. The time may arrive when the day may not be celebrated, 
but to the end of time the event, and the names of those who achieved 
it, will be handed down on the historic page with pride and venera- 
tion. The names of the Signers of the Declaration, like those of the 
twelve Apostles, are surrounded by a wreath of glory unfading and 
untarnished. Among them we find that of Edward Rutledge, who 
was born in Charleston, S. C, in November, 1749. His father, Dr. 
John Rutledge, was a native of Ireland, who married Sarah Hert, a 
lady of high accomplishments, piety and good sense. Edward lost 
his father at an early age, and, like those of many great and good 
men, his mind was moulded by his mother. After passing through 
the usual routine of an education, he commenced the study of law 
with an elder brother, who stood high at the Charleston bar. Whilst 
he stored his mind with Coke and Bacon, he paid great attention to 
elocution. In 1769 he went to England, became a student at the 
temple, made himself familiar with the practice of courts, with the 
rules of parliament, with the policy, designs and feelings of the British 
ministry, and cultivated an acquaintance with the celebrated orators 
and statesmen Chatham, Mansfield and others. In 1773, he returned, 
richly laden with stock for future use. He commenced a successful 
practice, uniting an expressive countenance, a good voice, a rich ima- 
gination, elegance of action, an honourable mind, and a good heart, 



46 EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 

with strong native talent, improved by superior advantages and un- 
tiring industry. 

He soon acquired a merited eminence as a bold, discreet and able 
advocate. He was peculiarly happy in his exertions excited by the 
spur of the moment, a talent always useful to a lawyer, and eminently 
useful to a statesman during a revolutionary struggle. His lamp was 
always trimmed and burning, and with true Irish zeal and eloquence, 
he was always ready to enter the arena where duty called him. He 
had a warm heart for the weak and oppressed. 

It was self-evident that talents like his were well calculated to 
promote the cause of emancipation, and Mr. Rutledge was among the 
first selected members to the continental congress in 1774. This 
alone was sufficient to place him on the list of imperishable fame; for 
none but men of superior merit, known fortitude, and of pure pa- 
triotism, were selected to represent their country's rights and repel a 
monarch's wrongs. Such a man was Edward Rutledge. With the 
ardour of an Emmet, he united great prudence and discretion. By his 
open frankness of expression he incurred the displeasure of the crown 
adherents, but imparted the holy flame of patriotism to the friends of 
liberty in a pre-eminent degree. 

With all his ardour and zeal he was a friend to order and opposed 
to mobocracy. He acted from enlightened and liberal principles, 
aiming to build every superstructure on the firm basis of reason and 
justice. To this nobleness of design, conceived and adhered to by 
all of the signers of the declaration, may be attributed the lofty 
dignity that pervaded that august body. Revolution is a tornado 
where prudence seldom enters to neutralize its baneful effects; but 
when such men as those who constituted the first American congress 
in Philadelphia combine, men who could command the whirlwind of 
passion, and conduct the lightning of revenge by the silken cords of 
reason, and the steel rods of unbending patriotism to a desired and 
useful destination, revolution is stripped of its bane and is crowned 
with unfading glory. Such were the signers of the declaration — such 
was the American revolution. We find Mr. Rutledge associated with 
several important committees of the continental congress, and among 
them he was appointed with John Adams and Benjamin Franklin to 
meet Lord Howe, when he came clothed with authority to offer humi- 
liating terms of peace. No three men could have been selected whose 
combined talents were better calculated to inspire awe and respect. 
They were received and treated with marked attention by his lord- 
ship, who became convinced, that under the direction of such spirits 
as these, the rebels would conquer or die. They detested his offers 
of pardon, for who had they injured? They disclaimed all right of 
the crown to their allegiance; it had been sacrificed at the shrine of 
an ambitious ministry. Freedom was their motto — Liberty their 
watchword, and their terms Independence or death. They had re- 
solved "to do or die." 

As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge stood high; 
his brow was also decked by laurels in the field. He. had long com- 
manded a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the 



EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 47 

British landed. at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the 
attack with the skill and courage of a veteran. At no battle during 
the revolution was more personal bravery displayed than at this, nor 
was the enemy, at any time, more chagrined at a total defeat by raw 
militia. It was a mystery to them to find in the same man, the states- 
man, the soldier and the hero. He was at a subsequent period elected 
colonel. During the investment of Charleston by the enemy in 1780, 
he was again in the field, but was unfortunately taken prisoner, sent 
to St. Augustine, and not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his 
return the dark clouds began to recede, and the horizon of liberty was 
slowly illuminated by the rays of hope. 

He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil 
government that had been paralyzed by the cruel conquering arm of 
the crown. He was a member of the enraged assembly who met at 
Jacksonborough in 1782, and with his recent injuries and those of his 
friends bleeding fresh before him, he sanctioned the bill of pains and 
penalties, that, under other circumstances, would not have received 
his approval, and which, during the time it remained in force, he used 
every exertion to meliorate. 

Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his vene- 
rable mother, who had been taken from her peaceful home in the coun- 
try and confined in Charleston, then occupied by the British; a high 
compliment to her talents and patriotism, placing her on the list of 
fame with the matrons of Greece and Rome. 

During the whole of the doubtful and protracted struggle of the 
revolution, Mr. Rutledge remained its steady and zealous advocate, 
and gave his best exertions in its behalf. After its termination, he 
again returned to the bosom of his friends and the labours of his pro- 
fession. His private worth took deep root in the affections of the 
community, and he had the confidence and esteem of a large circle of 
acquaintances. 

In organizing the new government of his native state, he acted a 
useful and consistent part. Many difficulties were to be overcome, 
many clashing local interests to be reconciled, and many measures 
and laws adopted, to restore an equilibrium in private and public con- 
cerns. A great commotion existed between debtors and creditors; 
specie was out of the question: the paper currency was nearly an- 
nihilated, and many who felt that they had shaken off* the British 
yoke, were about to fall into the hands of relentless creditors, who, 
when prompted by avarice, are as destitute of mercy as the pirate is 
of compassion. Instances are on record in our own country, (I blush 
as I write,) where some of those very veterans who bled for our 
boasted freedom, have been incarcerated in a prison by the cold 
inquisitorial creditor, for sums so trifling that shame would hide its 
face to name them. 

In this dilemma, Mr. Rutledge was among those who proposed and 
passed a law, making property a lawful tender for debts; a law purely 
republican, but so obnoxious to avarice, that most men, who are aris- 
tocrats just in proportion to the amount of wealth they acquire above 
the wants of life, oppose it. 



48 EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 

He also favoured the instalment law, and used his best exertions to 
meliorate the condition of the poor as well as the rich, by the enact- 
ment of laws based upon humanity and justice. He took an active 
part in most of the legislation of the state, and when the federal con- 
stitution was presented for consideration, he was, taking it as a whole, 
its warm and zealous advocate. Purely republican in principle, he 
was always opposed to slavery, deeming it a national curse. He was 
untiring in his labour — emphatically a working man. Dr. Ramsay 
remarks of him, "For the good obtained and the evil prevented, his 
memory will be long respected by his countrymen." 

As I have before remarked, he was a friend to order and law, and 
when any measure was consummated by legislative action, or by any 
public functionary duly authorized to act, he delighted in seeing it 
fulfilled to the letter. Although he was in feeling with the French 
when difficulties arose between them and England, he reprobated 
strongly the conduct of M. Genet and the French Directory. He 
was not a party man, but was always actuated by a sense of duty, and 
a pure desire for the prosperity of his country. His was the stem, 
unflinching moderation, calculated to awe a mob, paralyze a faction, 
and preserve, pure and undefined, that lofty patriotism which com- 
mands esteem and respect. 

In 1798 he was elected governor of his native state. Soon after, 
disease fastened its relentless hands upon him, and handed him 
over to the king of terrors in the mid career of his term. During the 
legislative session of 1800, his illness increased so rapidly that he 
felt an assurance that his dissolution was rapidly approaching, and 
was desirous of returning to Charleston, that he might yield up his 
breath where he first inhaled the atmosphere. The constitution re- 
quired the presence of the governor during the sitting of the legisla- 
ture, and so scrupulous was he to fulfil its letter, that he determined 
to remain unless both branches passed a resolution sanctioning his 
absence. The subject was submitted, but on some debate arising from 
the partisan feeling then prevalent, the application was immediately 
withdrawn, and he remained until the legislature adjourned. He was 
barely able to reach his home, when he laid down upon the bed of death 
and yielded to the only tyrant that could conquer his patriotic spirit, 
on the 23d of January, 1800. The same fortitude that had charac- 
terized his whole life, was strongly exhibited during his last illness, 
and did not forsake him in his dying hours. His loss was severely 
felt and deeply lamented by his mourning fellow-citizens. In the 
death of this good man, his native state lost one of its brightest orna- 
ments, one of its noblest sons. 

Governor Rutledge stood high as an orator. He appears to have 
understood well the machinery of human nature, and knew well when 
to address the judgment and when the passions of his audience. In 
exciting the sympathy of a jury, he had no equal at the Charleston 
bar. He also knew how, where, and when to be logical; and, what 
is all important in every man, either in the public or private walks of 
life, he knew how, when, and where to speak, and ivhat to say. His 
private worth and public services were highly honourable to himself, 



THOMAS M'KEAN. 49 

consoling to his friends and beneficial to his country. His usefulness 
only ended with his life; his fame is untarnished with error; his ex- 
amples are worthy of imitation, and his life without a blank. 

By his first wife, Harriet, daughter of Henry Middleton,one of his 
colleagues in congress, he had a son and daughter, the latter of whom 
remained in Charleston, the former, Major Henry M. ltutledge, be- 
came one of the pioneers of Tennessee. God grant that he may imi- 
tate the virtues of his venerable father, and fill the blank our country 
experienced in the death of the wise, the judicious, the benevolent, 
the philanthropic, the patriotic, and the high minded Edward Rut- 

LUDGIi. 



THOMAS M'KEAN. 

But few men have contributed more to fill the measure of the glory 
and prosperity of their country, than the subject of this brief sketch. 
He was a native of Chester county, Pennsylvania, and born on the 
19th day of March, 1T34. He was the son of William M'Kean, who 
immigrated from Ireland when quite young. He placed Thomas, at an 
early age, under the tuition of the Rev. Francis Allison, then princi- 
pal of one of the most celebrated Seminaries of the Province, and a 
gentleman of profound science and erudition. The talents of Thomas 
soon budded and blossomed like the early rose of spring. His mind 
was moulded for close application to study; his proficiency was truly 
gratifying to his teachers and friends, and gave high promise of un- 
usual attainments. He became a thorough linguist, a practical mathe- 
matician, and a moral philosopher. He was a faithful student, and 
left the seminary, a finished scholar and an accomplished gentleman, 
esteemed and respected by his numerous acquaintances. 

He then commenced the study of law under David Kinney, Esquire, 
at New Castle, Delaware. He explored the vast field of this science 
with astonishing and unusual success, and was admitted to the bat- 
under the most favourable auspices. He commenced practice at the 
same place, and soon acquired a lucrative business and a proud re- 
putation. He extended his operations into the province of his nativity, 
and was admitted in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, in 1757". 
His strict attention to business and his superior legal acquirements, 
obtained for him an extensive and just celebrity. Although he had 
become the eloquent advocate and able lawyer, he was still a close 
and industrious student. He continued to add to his large stock of 
knowledge, with the same avidity and to greater advantage, than when 
he commenced his scientific career. He did not fall into the error 
that has prevented some lawyers of strong native talent from rising 
above mediocrity: that when their practice begins their studies end. 
This is a rock on which many have been shipwrecked in all the learned 
professions. The laws of nature demand a constant supply of food in 
7 



50 THOMAS M-KEAN. 

the intellectual as well as in the physical world. The corroding rust 
of forgetfulness will mar the most brilliant acquirements of literature, 
unless kept bright by use; and much study is requisite to keep pace 
with the march of mind and the ever varying changes in the field of 
science, constantly under the cultivation of the soaring intellect of 
man. It may be said, that the grand basis of the law is as unchanging 
as the rock of adamant. To this I answer: its superstructure is an 
increasing labyrinth, and, unless the progress of the work is kept con- 
stantly in view, those who enter, strangers to its meanderings, will 
find themselves in a perplexing situation. 

In 1762, Mr. M'Kean was elected a member of the Delaware as- 
sembly from New Castle county, and was continued in that station 
for eleven successive years, when he removed to the city of Philadel- 
phia. So much attached to him were the people of that county, that 
they continued to elect him for six succeeding years after his removal, 
although lie necessarily declined the honour of serving. He was 
claimed by Delaware and Pennsylvania as a favourite son of each, 
under theold regimen, and did, in fact, serve both after changing his 
residence, by being elected to the continental congress from the state 
of Delaware, being then Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, the former 
state claiming him, probably, because he still retained Ins mansion, 
furnished by himself, in New Castle, where his business frequently 
called him. 

In 1779, he attempted to take final leave of his constituents in De- 
laware, and on that occasion, as a large meeting was convened For 
the purpose, made a most animating, patriotic and thrilling speech; 
portraying, in glowing colours, the bright prospects that were dawning 
upon the infant republic, and the certainty of being able to maintain 
the independence of the United States. After he retired, a committee 
waited upon him, with the novel request, that he would name seven 
gentlemen, suitable to be elected to the assembly. He desired them 
to report his thanks for the confidence they expressed in his judgment, 
and assured them there were not only seven but seventy then in the 
meeting, fully qualified to represent the people, and begged to be 
excused from naming any gentlemen, lest he should give offence. A 
second time the committee called and insisted on the selection by him, 
with the full assurance that he would give no offence. He then named 
seven candidates, and had the gratification to learn that they were 
all elected. An unlimited confidence in his abilities and integrity, 
was strongly felt by his constituents. He coutinued to represent them 
in congress during the eventful period of the war. 

In 1765, he was a member of the Congress of New York, sent from 
Delaware. He was one of the committee that drafted the memora- 
ble address to the House of Commons of Great Britain. His patriotism, 
love of liberty, and unbending firmness of purpose; were fully demon- 
strated in that instrument, as well as in the acts of his subsequent life. 
He was a republican to the core, and despised the chains of political 
slavery, the baubles of monarchy, and the trappings of a crown. He 
was for liberty or death, and scorned to be a slave. 

On his return, the same year, he wis appointed judge of the court 



THOMAS M'KEAN. 5 1 

of common pleas, quarter sessions, and orphans' court, of New Castle 
county. The stamp act was then in full life, but not in full force: 
Judge M'Kean directed the officers of the courts over which he pre- 
sided not to use stamped paper, as had been ordered by the hirelings 
of the British ministers. He set their authority at utter defiance, and 
was the first Judge, in any of the colonies, who took this bold stand. 
That circumstance alone, trifling as it may now seem to some readers, 
was bi^ with events, and was an important entering wedge to the re- 
volution, and stamped his name, in bold relievo, on the tablet of en- 
during fame. He had talent to design and energy to execute. From 
that time forward, in all the leading measures of the struggle for 
liberty, he was among the leading patriots. 

He was a prominent member of the congress of 1774, that convened 
at Philadelphia. From that time to the peace of 1783, he was a member 
of the continental congress, and the only one who served during the 
whole time. He was a strong; advocate for the declaration of indepen- 
dence, and most willingly affixed his signature to that sacred instru- 
ment. When it came up for final action, so anxious was he that it should 
pass unanimously, that he sent an express after Ca?sar Rodney, one of 
his colleagues, the other, Mr. Read, having manifested a disposition to 
vote against it. Mr. Rodney arrived on the 4th of July, just in time 
to give his vote in favour of the important measure, and thus secured 
its unanimous adoption. Notwithstanding the arduous duties that de- 
volved on Mr. M'Kean. as member of congress, member of several com- 
mittees, and chief justice of Pennsylvania, all of which he discharged 
satisfactorily — so ardent was his patriotism, so devoted was he to pro- 
mote the cause he had nobly espoused, that he accepted a colonel's 
commission, and was appointed to the command of a regiment of asso- 
ciates, raised in the city of Philadelphia, and marched to the support 
of Gen. Washington, with whom he remained until a supply of new 
recruits was raised. During his absence, his Delaware constituents 
had elected him a member of the convention to form a constitution. 
On his return he proceeded to New Castle, and, in a tavern, without 
premeditation or consulting; men or books, he hastily penned the con- 
stitution that was adopted by the delegates. Understanding the wants 
and feelings of the people, well versed in law and the principles of 
republicanism, and a ready writer, he was enabled to perform, in a 
few hours, a work that, in modern times, requires the labours of an 
expensive assembly for nearly a year. How changed are men and 
things since the glorious era of '76! How different the motives that 
now impel to action, and how different the amount of labour per- 
formed in the same time and for the same money. Then all were 
anxious to listen! now nearly all are anxious to speak. Then, legis- 
lators loved their country more, and the loaves and fishes less, than at 
the present day. 

On the 10th of July, 1781, Judge M'Kean was elected president of 
congress, which honour he was compelled to decline, because his duties 
as chief justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania would neces- 
sarily require his absence some part of the time during the session. 
He was then urged to occupv the chair until the first Monday of No- 



52 THOMAS M'KEAN. 

vember, when the court was to commence. To this he assented, and 
presided until that time, with great credit to himself and to the satis- 
faction of the members of that august body. On his retiring from the 
chair, the following resolution was unanimously passed on the 7th of 
November, 1781: 

"Resolved, That the thanks of congress be given to the Honoura- 
ble Thomas M'Kean, late president of congress, in testimony of their 
approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public 
business." 

His duties upon the bench of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 
which commenced in 1777, were often of the most responsible and 
arduous character. He did not recognise the power of the crown, and 
held himself amenable, in the discharge of his official functions, only 
to his country and his God. An able jurist and an unyielding patriot, 
he punished, at the hazard of his own life, all who were brought be- 
fore him and convicted of violating the laws of the new dynasty. No 
threats could intimidate or influence reach him, when designed to 
divert him from the independent discharge of his duty. His profound 
legal acquirements, his ardent zeal, his equal justice, his vigorous 
energy and his noble patriotism, enabled him to outride every storm, 
and calm the raging billows that often surrounded him. He marched 
on triumphantly to the goal of liberty, and hailed with joy the star 
spangled banner, as it waved in grandeur from the lofty spires of the 
temple of freedom. He beheld, with the eye of a sage, a philosopher, 
and a philanthropist, the rising glory of Columbia's new world. He 
viewed, with emotions of pleasing confidence, the American eagle 
descend frometherial regions, beyond the altitude of a tyrant's breath, 
and pounce upon the British lion. With increasing vigour and re- 
doubled fury, the mighty bird continued the awful conflict, until the 
king of beasts retreated to his lair, and proclaimed to a gazing and 
admiring world, America is free!! Angels rejoiced, monarchs trem- 
bled, and patriots shouted aloud — Amen!! The grand Rubicon was 
passed, the torch of England's power over the colonies had expired in 
its socket, and the birth of a new nation was celebrated by happy 
millions, basking beneath the luminous rays and refulgent glories of 
liberty and freedom! The harvest was past, the summer ended, 
and our country saved. The mighty work of political regeneration 
was accomplished, the independence of the United States acknow- 
ledged, and an honourable peace consummated. 

Judge M'Kean, in common with his fellow patriots, heroes and 
sages, then sat down under his own fig tree, to enjoy the full fruition 
of his long and faithful labours in the cause of equal rights. He con- 
tinued to discharge the important duties of chief justice until 1799, 
illuminating his judicial path with profound learning, impartial deci- 
sion, and sound discretion. His legal opinions, based as they gene- 
rally are, upon the firm pillars of equal justice, strict equity, and 
correct law; given, as they were, when our form of government 
was changing, the laws unsettled, our state constitution but just 
formed, and the federal constitution burstins; from embryo — are 



THOMAS M'KEAN. 53 

monuments of fame, enduring as social order, revered, respected, 
and canonized. 

He was a member of the convention that formed the constitution of 
Pennsylvania adopted in 1790, and exercised an influence in that 
body that was of the most salutary kind. In 1799 he was elected 
governor of the key-stone state, and contributed largely in adding 
new strength and beauty to the grand arch of our union. For nine 
successive years he wielded the destinies of the land of Penn, com- 
mencing at a period when the mountain waves of party spirit were 
rolling over the United States with a fury before unknown. But 
amidst the foaming and conflicting elements, Governor M'Kean stood 
at the helm of state, calm as a summer morning, firm as a mountain 
of granite, and guided his noble ship through the raging storm, un- 
scathed and unharmed. His annual messages to the legislature for 
elegance and force of language, correct and liberal views of policy, 
and a luminous exposition of law and rules of government, stand 
unrivalled and unsurpassed. The clamours of his political enemies he 
passed by as the idle wind; the suggestions of his friends he scanned 
with the most rigid scrutiny. Neither flattery or censure could drive 
him from the strong citadel of his own matured judgment. The good 
of his country and the glory of the American character, formed the 
grand basis of his actions. 

The fawning sycophant and the brawling demagogue, he spurned 
with contempt. By honest means alone he desired the advancement 
of the party that had elevated him. Open and avowed principles, fully 
proclaimed and strictly carried out, were by him submitted to the 
people, frankly and cordially, without prevarication or disguise. He 
was a politician of the old school, when each party had plain and 
visible landmarks, distinctive names, and fixed principles. Political 
chemists had not then introduced the modern process of amalgama- 
tion, producing a heterogenous mass, that defies the power of analyza- 
tion, scientific arrangement, or classical separation. 

Governor M'Kean respected those of his political opponents who 
opposed him from an honest difference of opinion, and numbered 
among them many personal friends. He was free from that narrow- 
minded policy, based upon self, that actuates too many of those of the 
present day, who assume the high responsibility of becoming the arbi- 
ters of the minds of their fellow men. His views were expansive 
and liberal, broad and charitable. He aimed at distributing equal 
justice to all, the rich and poor, the public officer and private citizen. 
He was free from that contracted selfishness that prefers present ag- 
grandizement to future good. To lay deep the foundations of lasting 
and increasing prosperity for his own state and for our nation, was 
the object of this pure patriot, enlightened statesman, and able jurist. 
Her vast resources, her wide spread territory, her majestic rivers, her 
silvery lakes, her mineral mountains, her rich valleys, her rolling 
uplands, her beautiful prairies, her extensive seaboard, her enterpris- 
ing sons and virtuous daughters, were arrayed before his gigantic 
mind, and passed him in grand review. He was firmly convinced 
that she had only to be wise and good to be great and happy. To 



54 THOMAS M'KEAN. 

this end he embraced every opportunity, both in public and private 
life, to inculcate, by precept and example, those great principles of 
moral rectitude, inflexible virtue, purity of motive, and nobleness of 
action, that alone can permanently preserve a nation. He cast a 
withering frown upon vice in all its borrowed and alluring forms, and 
exerted his strongest powers to arrest the bold career of crime and 
corruption. He was a terror to evil doers, and inspired confidence 
in those who did well. His administration was prosperous and en- 
lightened, and when he closed his public duties, the bitterness of his 
political opponents was lost in the admiration of his patriotism, virtue, 
impartiality, consistency, and candour. 

In 1808 he retired from the ponderous weight of public business, 
that he had so long and honourably borne. He had devoted a long 
life to the faithful service of his country, and was covered with 
laurels of imperishable fame. He stood approved at the bar of his 
own conscience, his country, and his God. He had acted well his 
part, and had contributed largely in raising the American character 
to a proud elevation among the nations of the earth. Thus highly 
stood Governor M'Kean, when he bid a final adieu, a last farewell to 
the public arena, and retired to the peaceful city of Penn, to breathe 
his life out sweetly there. He outlived all the animosities that a faith- 
ful minister of the laws unavoidably creates for a time, and on the 
24th of June, 1817, at his residence in Philadelphia, resigned his spirit 
to Him who gave it, and entered upon the untried scenes of a bound- 
less eternity, to reap the rich reward of a life well spent. 

His private character was beyond reproach, unsullied as the virgin 
sheet. His person was tall and erect, his countenance bold, intelli- 
gent, and commanding; his manners urbane, gentlemanly, and affa- 
ble; his feelings noble, generous, and humane; and his conduct open, 
frank, and republican. He never shrunk from what he deemed duty, 
and was always actuated by a desire to promote the interest of the 
human family and the general good of mankind. He was a refined 
philanthropist, an acute philosopher, an enlightened statesman, an 
impartial judge, an able magistrate, and a truly great and good man. 



55 



PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 

Men often engage in transactions and designs, that produce results 
in direct opposition to those anticipated. Thus, religious persecution 
scattered the primitive christians into various parts of the earth, and, 
instead of annihilating the doctrines of the Cross, they were more 
widely spread and diffused through the world. For the enjoyment 
of the liberty of conscience, the emigrants to New England left their 
native homes; for the same reason, the Huguenots of France fled be- 
fore the withering blasts of the revolution of the edict of Nantes in 
1685, many of them settling in the city of New York. To the per- 
secuted and oppressed, America was represented as a land of rest, 
and emigrants poured in upon our shores from France, Holland, Ger- 
many, England, Ireland, and Scotland; among whom were many 
eminent for piety, intelligence, and liberal principles. To the latter 
place, we trace the ancestor of the subject of this brief sketch. The 
great grandfather of Philip Livingston was an eminent divine in the 
church of Scotland, and, in 1663, emigrated to Rotterdam, a city of 
the Netherlands, in South Holland, where he died nine years after. 
His son Robert emigrated to America, and obtained a grant for the 
manor along the Hudson river, which is remarkable for the beauty of 
its location and the richness of its soil. 

He had three sons., Philip, the father of the present subject, Ro- 
bert, grandfather of Chancellor Livingston, and Gilbert, the grandfa- 
ther of the Rev. Dr. John H. Livingston, who stood high as a scholar 
and divine. The subject of this memoir was his fourth son, born at 
Albany, loth of January, 1716. 

Mr. Livingston was among the few, who, in those days, received 
a college education. After his preparatory studies, he entered Yale 
College, and graduated in 1737. In common with most of the de- 
scendants of that celebrated family, he was blessed with strong native 
talent, which he improved by an excellent education. With principles 
firmly based on religion and moral rectitude, he was eminently pre- 
pared to commence a career of usefulness. In those days of republi- 
can simplicity, graduates from college, instead of riding rough shod 
over those whose literary advantages were less, believing themselves 
forever exonerated from the field, the shop, and the counting-house, 
thought it no disparagement to apply themselves to agricultural, me- 
chanical, and commercial pursuits. Among them, we find Mr. 
Livingston extensively and successfully engaged in mercantile busi- 
ness, in the city of New York. Reposing full confidence in his inte- 
grity, which was then a necessary passport to public favour, his fellow 
citizens elected him to the office of Alderman in 1754, in which he 
continued during nine successive years, contributing largely to the 
peace and prosperity of the city. In 1759, he was a member of the 
colonial assembly, which had important duties to perform; Great Bri- 
tain being at war with France, which brought the colonists in contact 



56 PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 

with the Canadian French and Indians. Twenty-thousand men were 
to be raised by the colonists to guard the frontier settlements, and, if 
practicable, to carry the war into the territory of the enemy. 

The province of New York furnished 2680 men, and 250,000 
pounds, to aid in the proposed object. 

Mr. Livingston took an active and judicious part in these delibera- 
tions, and also introduced laws for the advancement of commerce, 
agriculture, and various improvements; manifesting a sound judgment 
and liberal views. He was an active member of the committee on 
foreign relations, who wisely selected the celebrated Edmund Burke, 
to represent their interests in the British parliament. From the lucid 
communications of Mr. Livingston, that celebrated statesman and 
friend to America, was made thoroughly accpuainted with the situa- 
tion, feelings, and interests of the colonists. 

After the dissolution of the general assembly by the decease of 
George II., Mr. Livingston was again elected in 1761, a member of 
the one under the new dynasty. In 1764, he wrote an answer to the 
message of lieutenant governor Colden, pointing out, in respectful, 
but bold and convincing language, the oppressions and infringements 
of the British ministry upon the rights of the Americans. 

He soon became a nucleus, around which a band of patriots gathered, 
and eventually formed a nut too hard to be cracked by all the hammers 
of the crown. The consequence of the bold stand taken by many of 
the members, in defence of their dear bought privileges, was the sudden 
dissolution of the assembly by the governor, whenever he discovered 
a majority in favour of liberal principles. 

In 1768, the assembly consisted of the brightest luminaries of talent 
then in the colony, who elevated Mr. Livingston to the honourable 
and distinguished station of Speaker. Discovering that a majority of 
the new assembly were unwilling to be slaves and tools, the governor, 
Sir Henry Moore, dissolved them, and ordered a new election. He 
succeeded in obtaining a majority of creatures like himself, but a suf- 
ficient number of whigs were elected to watch the interests of the 
people, and hold the minions of the crown in check and awe. Although 
Mr. Livingston, from disgust at the procedure of the governor and his 
adherents, had declined being a candidate in the city of New York, 
he was returned from the manor, and, on mature deliberation, took 
his seat as a member, although opposed, at first unsuccessfully, be- 
cause he was not a resident of the district that elected him, in which 
predicament a large majority of the members were found involved: 
they therefore concluded not to run the risk of having their own glass 
houses broken, for the sake of demolishing that of Mr. Livingston. 
During this session, he offered a resolution setting forth the grievances 
of his countrymen, which gave great umbrage to the adherents of the 
crown. This determined them to expel him on the ground at first 
assumed, which was effected by a vote of 17 to 6; twenty-one of the 
twenty-four members being similarly situated, not residents ot the 
districts they represented. 

A wider field was now opened before him. He was elected to the 
first Congress at Philadelphia, and became a brilliant star in that en- 



PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 57 

lightened and patriotic body. He was one of the committee that pre- 
pared the spirited address to the British nation, that roused from their 
lethargy those whose attention had not been called to the all impor- 
tant subjects then in agitation, involving a nation's rights and a na- 
tion's wrongs. 

He was continued a member of Congress, and, when the grand birth 
day of our independence arrived, Mr. Livingston aided in the thrilling 
duties of the occasion, invoked the smiles of Heaven upon the new 
born infant, and gave the sanction of his name to the magna charta 
that secured to it a towering majesty and grandeur before unknown. 

He was also a member of the association that recommended and 
adopted a non-intercourse with the mother country; president of the 
provincial Congress assembled at New York, to devise measures for 
their protection, and was one of those who framed the Constitution of 
his native State, which was adopted in 1777. Under that he was 
chosen a Senator, and attended the first session of the legislature of 
the empire State. The same year he was elected to Congress, then in 
session at York, Pennsylvania, having retired before their conquering 
foe. Deeply afflicted with a hydro-thorax, (dropsy of the chest,) he 
felt that his mortal career was fast drawing to a close. It was in the 
Spring of 1778, when the dark mantle of gloom and misfortune hung 
over the bleeding colonies. 

Under these circumstances, he was willing to devote his last ex- 
piring breath, as he had much of his estate, to the service of his beloved 
country. He addressed a valedictory letter to his friends at Albany, 
bade them a last farewell, urged them to remain firm in the cause of 
liberty, and trust in God for deliverance; clasped his lovely wife and 
children to his bosom, commended them to Heaven for protection, and 
looked upon them with a heart full of tenderness for the last time on 
this side of eternity. They were then at Kingston, where they had 
fled, for safety and protection from a brutal soldiery. 

On the 5th of May he took his seat in Congress, and, on the 12th 
of June, he yielded to the only monarch that could subdue his patriotic 
heart — relentless death. He was buried the same day under all the 
mournful honours due to his great worth and merit, deeply lamented 
by every friend to the American cause. Although he was deprived of 
the kind offices of his own family in his last moments, he had a friend 
who had been his stay and support in every hour of trial, and now 
smoothed the pillow of death. Religion had been his companion through 
life; in the hour of dissolution, it was his support; angels waited for 
the transit of his immortal soul; Heaven opened wide its gates to let 
the patriot in; the king of glory decked him with laurels of bliss; en- 
rolled his name on the book of life; and crowned him with that peace- 
ful rest which is the reward of a pure heart and a virtuous life. 

His private character was a continued eulogy upon virtue, philan- 
thropy, benevolence, urbanity, integrity, nobleness, honesty, patriot- 
ism, consistency, and all the leading cpualities that render man dig- 
nified on earth, and fit for Heaven. 



58 



GEORGE WYTHE. 

The name of every patriot who aided in gaining the liberty we now 
so permanently enjoy, is remembered and repeated with veneration 
and respect. A particular regard is felt for those whose names are 
enrolled on that bold and noble production, the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. Their names, with many others who espoused the cause 
of freedom, will glide down the stream of time on the gentle waves of 
admiration and gratitude, until merged in the ocean of eternity. This 
single act has placed them on the list of immortal fame. 

Among them was George Wythe, a native of Elizabeth city in 
"Virginia, born in 1728, of respectable parents. His father was a 
thriving farmer, and his mother a woman of unusual worth, talents 
and learning. His school education was limited, and, like Washing- 
ton, Lafayette, and a large proportion of great men, he was indebted 
to his mother for the most of his learning and the early impressions 
of noble and correct principles. 

From her he acquired the Latin and Greek languages; by her he 
was led to the pure fountains of science, and to her he was indebted 
for the formation of his youthful mind. 

Unfortunately for him death snatched away, nearly at the same 
time, both his parents, leaving him still in his minority without a hand 
to guide or a voice to warn him against the allurements of pleasure 
and the seductions of vice. 

His father left him a fortune, which, by prudence and frugality, 
was sufficient to render his circumstances easy and comfortable. But 
like too many only sons, his father had not inured him to business 
habits; he was soon led astray — he was captivated by amusements — 
and from that time until the age of thirty, his time was spent in pur- 
suit of the phantoms of pleasurable diversions, and in idle company, 
neglecting both study and business. 

Like the prodigal, he then came to himself — returned to the paths 
of virtue, studied the profession of the law, was admitted to the bar, 
and soon became one of its brightest luminaries — one of its most emi- 
nent members. During the remainder of his life, he pursued the paths 
of wisdom most scrupulously, and showed to his friends and the world 
that a young man, although led astray by the prowling wolves of vice, 
can burst the chains that bind him — redeem his character — correct 
his habits — and become a useful and virtuous member of society. So 
did George Wythe; go thou and do likewise. He felt most keenly, 
regretted most sincerely, but redeemed most nobly the misspent time 
of his younger days. If this should chance to meet the eyes of any man 
under similar circumstances, let me say to him — imitate the striking- 
example of George Wythe. Perhaps no man ever maintained the pro- 
fessional dignity of the bar better than him, or was more highly 



GEORGE WYTHE. 59 

esteemed by his most intimate acquaintances. He was scrupulously 
honest, and would never proceed in a case until convinced justice 
required his services. If, by any deception, a client induced him to 
embark in a suit that he subsequently discovered was unjust, he 
refunded his fee, and abandoned his cause. 

His virtuous habits, extreme fidelity, judicial acquirements, and 
extensive knowledge, gained for him public confidence and esteem. 
He was for a long time a member of the House of Burgesses, and 
under the new government he received the appointment of Chancellor 
of Virginia, which office he filled with honour to himself and useful- 
ness to his native state until the day of his death. As a legislator he 
was highly esteemed for talent, integrity and independence. He was 
not the tool of party, he stood upon his own bottom, and depended 
upon his own judgment. In 1764, on the 14th of November, he was 
appointed a member of the. committee to prepare a petition to the 
King, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a remonstrance to the 
House of Commons on the impropriety and injustice of the proposed 
stamp act. 

The remonstrance was from the able pen of Mr. Wythe, and was 
drawn in language so bold and strong, that it alarmed many of his 
colleagues, and underwent considerable modification to divest it of 
what they deemed a tincture of treason. He understood and pro- 
perly appreciated the true dignity of man, and was not born to suc- 
cumb or quail beneath the tyranny of a haughty monarch or an aspiring 
ministry. He was a prominent and active member of the House of 
Burgesses in 1768, when Virginia blood and Virginia patriotism were 
roused, and passed the memorable resolutions asserting their exclusive 
right to levy their own taxes; accused ministers and parliament of 
violating the British constitution; and denied the right of the crown 
to transport and try persons in England for crimes committed in the 
colonies. 

In passing these resolutions parliamentary rules were dispensed 
with — they went through with the onward course of an avalanche, the 
members anticipating the proroguing power of the governor, who, on 
hearing of their tenor, immediately dissolved the house. But he was 
half an hour too late, they had passed their final reading and were 
entered upon the records, and beyond his power to veto or expunge. 

This step of the governor was unfavourable to the interests of the 
crown, and the people proudly and boldly returned all the old patriotic 
members to the next session, with several new ones of the same stamp. 
During the recess, the love of liberty and liberal principles had in- 
creased in their bosoms, and they had imparted the same sentiments 
to their constituents. 

Among the new members was Thomas Jefferson, who had been the 
pupil of Mr. Wythe — had imbibed his principles, and now stood forth 
a bold and prominent champion of liberty and equal rights. 

From this time onward Mr. Wythe continued to oppose parlia- 
mentary oppression and vindicate the rights of his country. At die 
commencement of the revolutionary movements he joined a volunteer 



(50 GEORGE WYTHE. 

corps, shouldered his musket, determined to vindicate in the field the 
principles he had inculcated in the legislative hall. But his talents 
as a statesman did not permit him to move long in this sphere of 
action, and in August, 1775, he was called to take a seat in that con- 
gress which, in less than a year from that time, proclaimed to the 
astonished Britons and to the world, the freedom and emancipation 
of the colonies, affixed their names to the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, resolved that it should prove either the chart of liberty or the 
warrant of death — appealing to heaven for the justice of their cause. 

In 1776, in November, Messrs. Wythe, Pendleton, and Jefferson 
were appointed to revise the laws of Virginia, and although much 
other business devolved upon them, they prepared and reported to 
the general assembly one hundred and twenty-six bills by the 18th 
of June, 1779. The new code commenced the revision at the time 
of the revolution in England, and brought it down to the establish- 
ment of the new government. It underwent the revision of Mr. 
Wythe, was truly republican, and does great honour to the heads, 
hearts and learning of the committee. 

In 1777 he was chosen speaker of the House of Delegates; the same 
year a judge of the High Court of Chancery, and subsequently, under 
a new organization of the judiciary, sole chancellor. A more impar- 
tial judge never graced the bench than George Wythe. Nothing 
could induce him to swerve from the strictest rules of justice, and as 
a profound jurist and expounder of the law, he stood pre-eminent. 
He was elected to the professorship of the law in the college of Wil- 
liam and Mary, where he continued with success until his increasing 
duties compelled him to resign. He was one of the members of the 
Virginia legislature at the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 

He put in full practice his principles of liberty by emancipating 
his slaves, and providing them with the means of support. One of 
them, who died prematurely, he had not only given a common educa- 
tion, but had taught him Latin and Greek, determined upon a deve- 
lopment of African talent. 

In his private character Mr. W^ythe was amiable, modest, charita- 
ble and humane. He sought to improve the society in which he moved, 
and used great exertions to guard young men against the purlieus of 
vice. He was industrious, temperate, practically a christian, and 
above reproach. He died suddenly from the effects of poison on the 
8th of June, 180G, universally esteemed, beloved and regretted. It 
is believed the poison was administered by George Wythe Swcny, a 
grandson of his sister, who expected to arrive sooner by his death at 
the enjoyment of a part of his estate, but which fortunately was pre- 
vented by a codicil made just before his decease. Although the un- 
grateful wretch could not be reached by the laws of his country, the 
circumstances were so strong against him that he was stamped by the 
public mind with the black, the awful, the enduring stigma of a mur- 
derer. 

Jefferson in delineating the character of the instructor of his youth, 
remarks: "No man ever left behind him a character more venerated 
than George Wythe. His virtue was of the purest kind; his integrity 



ABRAHAM CLARK. Q\ 

inflexible, and his justice exact; of warm patriotism, and devoted as 
he was to liberty and the natural and equal rights of men, he might 
be truly called the Cato of his country, without the avarice of a Ro- 
man; for a more disinterested person never lived. Such was George 
Wythe, the honour of his own and a model of future times." 



ABRAHAM CLARK. 

Many of the most useful men who have at various periods of time 
figured upon the great theatre of human affairs, have ascended the 
ladder of fame without the aid of a collegiate education. A clear 
head, a strong mind, a matured judgment, and a good heart are the 
grand requisites to prepare a man for substantial usefulness. Without 
these, you pour upon him the classic stream in vain; it is like water 
poured upon the sand, it moistens and invigorates for the moment, 
then sinks and leaves the surface dry and unproductive. The advan- 
tages of a liberal education I most cheerfully acknowledge; that a 
man may become eminently useful without it, is a fact beyond dis- 
pute. To the long list of names conspicuous upon the pages of his- 
tory for patriotism, philanthropy and eminent usefulness, and not 
recorded on the books of any of the high places of learning, that of 
Abraham Clark may be justly added. 

He was born at Elizabethtown, Essex county, N. J., on the 15th of 
February, 1726, of respectable parents. He was the only son of 
Thomas Clark, who held the office of Alderman, at that time usually 
bestowed upon men of merit and distinction. He was a farmer, a 
man of good sense, and instilled into the mind of his son the enduring 
principles of moral rectitude that governed his actions and framed 
his character in after life. Abraham received what is termed a good 
English education, and was designed by his father for the pursuit of 
agriculture. Of a slender frame and of a delicate constitution, he 
was never able to endure hard labour, but continued to superintend 
the business on the farm which his father left him, when not absent on 
public duty. He made himself familiar with mathematics, and attended 
to the business of surveying and conveyancing. He also made him- 
self acquainted with the elementary principles of law, and became a 
safe counsellor, imparting his legal advice gratuitously, often saving 
his friends from entering into the vexatious labyrinth of litigation, 
acting the part of a peace maker between the contending parties. He 
was called "the poor man's counsellor," and did much to allay dis- 
putes and produce harmony in his neighbourhood. He was often 
selected as arbitrator in different counties to settle disputed titles of 
land. His decisions were uniformly based on correct legal princi- 
ples and impartial justice. His knowledge and judgment became so 
much respected that he was appointed by the General Assembly to 



(52 ABRAHAM CLARK. 

settle the claims to undivided commons. He filled the office of sheriff* 
and was appointed clerk of the assembly, acquitting himself with 
ability and credit in both stations. As he became known to the public 
his talents were highly appreciated, not because they kindled to a 
blaze calculated to excite the huzzas of the multitude, but because 
they were surrounded by the halo of pure patriotism, strict justice, 
moral worth, and undeviating rectitude. 

When the storm of oppression was poured upon his native land by 
the mother country, Mr. Clark was among the first who openly con- 
tended for equal rights and liberal principles. Cool, reflecting, and 
deliberate, he had the confidence of his fellow citizens, and exercised 
over them a wise and salutary influence. His actions flowed from the 
pure fountain of a good heart, guided by a clear head and a matured 
judgment. The subject of British injustice towards the American 
colonies he weighed impartially, and felt most keenly. He was an 
active and bold leader in the primary meetings of his native colony, 
opposing coolly but firmly, the audacious and unreasonable claims of 
the crown. He was a prominent member of the Committee of Safety, 
and contributed largely, by precept and example, to the consolida- 
tion of that phalanx of sages and veterans who resolved on liberty or 
death. He had a peculiar tact in rousing his fellow citizens to proper 
action, always moving within the orbit of reason and sound dis- 
cretion. 

He richly merited and freely received the confidence of the friends 
of equal rights. In June, 1776, he was appointed a member of the 
Continental Congress, where he nobly sustained the high reputation 
he had already acquired for good sense and unalloyed patriotism. To 
such men as Mr. Clark the cause of American independence owed 
its ultimate success. Revolution is too often the offspring of faction, 
and although successful in annihilating the powers assailed, leaves its 
ambitious actors to sink in a tenfold corruption. Demagogues may 
kindle to a flame the angry passions of the multitude, but it requires 
such men as Franklin, Clark, Sherman, Washington, &c, to guide 
these streams of mental fire, and conduct them harmless in their 
course. Although the American revolution did not originate in fac- 
tion, the zeal of many of its able advocates naturally carried them 
beyond the safe line prescribed by prudence and wisdom. Upon such 
men the salutary influence of Mr. Clark was happily exercised, and 
in a manner which gained for him their esteem and conferred lasting 
benefits on our common country. To those who have discernment 
and skill to guide the ship of state clear from the rocks and shoals of 
error, and avoid the breakers of rashness, intrigue and corruption, 
although they cannot make a flowery speech that will cost our nation 
thousands of dollars, — to such men, I say, we owe our political safety 
and existence. These are they who will preserve, to the utmost of 
their powers, the silken cords of our union. They are the neutralizes 
of the inflammatory gases that proceed from the fiery craniums of 
many of our legislators, who are more classical than discreet, more 
in the forum than in the committee rooms, more anxious to promote 
their party than the glory of our country. 



ABRAHAM CLARK. 53 

On the memorable Fourth of July, 1776, Mr. Clark fearlessly en- 
rolled his name with that patriotic band of sages who pledged "their 
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honours," to support the bleed- 
ing cause of liberty, and defend their country from tyranny and op- 
pression. For this strong and important measure he had long been 
prepared, from a firm conviction that no reasonable or honourable 
terms would be sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of 
Great Britain. He was fully convinced, that chains and fetters 
awaited his native land, unless the cords of allegiance were severed 
at one bold stroke. He therefore sanctioned the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence by his vote and signature, and was rewarded by an approv- 
ing conscience and the plaudits of his fellow citizens, who elected 
him to the national legislature during seven successive years, except 
1779, when he was in the state legislature. Having a retentive 
memory, and being a practical man, of untiring industry, he was ac- 
knowledged by all to be one of the most useful members of the Con- 
tinental Congress. From 1783 to 1788, he was a member of the 
legislature of his own state, and so great was his influence that every 
act which excited public attention was attributed to him. An act to 
regulate the practice of lawyers, curtailing their fees in some mea- 
sure, was emphatically called "Clark's Law." As a matter of course 
those opposed to particular measures emauating from him became 
his political enemies. 

Mr. Clark was a warm advocate for the Convention that framed 
our National Constitution, and was appointed one of its members, 
but was prevented from attending by sickness. In 1788, he was again 
elected to Congress, but the following year his political enemies suc- 
ceeded, for the first time, in defeating him. He was then called to 
the important station of commissioner to settle the accounts of his 
native state with the general government. At the ensuing election 
he was again elected to Congress, of which he remained a member 
until his death, which was caused by a coup de soleil, (stroke of the 
sun,) in the autumn of 1794, closing his career in two hours after the 
commencement of the attack, in the 69th year of his age. Mr. Clark 
was a consistent christian, a pure patriot, and an honest man. He 
was a faithful public sentinel, a kind and charitable friend, an ho- 
nourable and generous enemy, and died esteemed and regretted by 
all who knew him. His character is worthy of the highest encomiums, 
his examples of the closest imitation. 



64 



FRANCIS LEWIS. 



The patriots, sages and heroes of the American revolution, were 
composed of men from different countries and of various pursuits. 
One feeling seems to have pervaded the bosom and influenced the 
actions of all — the love of Liberty. This mainspring to action was 
confined to no business or profession; all classes who loved their 
country and hated chains, flew to the rescue. Self-interest, to a 
greater extent than is usual, lost its potent charms, and thousands 
upon thousands pledged their lives and fortunes to defend their bleed- 
ing country against the merciless attacks and exorbitant demands of 
an unyielding and uncompromising foe. No class of men better un- 
derstood the injustice of the mother country towards her infant colo- 
nies than those engaged in commerce. Many bold, daring and intel- 
ligent spirits left the counting-house for the field or the legislative 
hall. Among them was Francis Lewis, who was born at Landaff, in 
the shire of Glamorgan, in South Wales, in March, 1713. His father 
was an Episcopal clergyman; his mother was the daughter of the Rev. 
Dr. Pettingal, of the same religion, who officiated at Caernarvonshire, 
in North Wales. 

Francis was an only child, and left an orphan at the age of five 
years. A maternal aunt named Llawelling, who resided at Caernar- 
von, became his guardian. She had him early instructed in her na- 
tive language, the Cymraeg, which he retained through life. He was 
then sent to Scotland to reside with a relative, where he obtained the 
ancient and pure Celtic. From there he was transferred to the West- 
minster school in London, where he made great proficiency and be- 
came a good classical scholar. He then entered the counting-house 
and became familiar with the whole routine of commercial transac- 
tions, which prepared him to pursue his business successfully through 
a long, active, and useful life. When he arrived at the age of twenty- 
one he inherited a small fortune, which he laid out in merchandise, 
and in the spring of 1735 arrived with it at New York. He found his 
stock too large for that city, entered into partnership with Edward 
Annesley, leaving with him a part of the goods, proceeding himself 
with the residue to Philadelphia. At the end of two years he settled 
permanently in New York, and married Elizabeth Annesley, the sister 
of his partner. To these ancestors, we trace the numerous and re- 
spectable families now residing in the state of New York of the same 
name. 

The commercial transactions of Mr. Lewis frequently called him 
to Europe, the principal ports of which he visited. He also visited 
the Shetland and Orkney Islands, and was twice shipwrecked on the 
coast of Ireland. 

At the commencement of the French war he was the agent for sup- 



FRANCIS LEWIS. 55 

plying the British army with clothing. At the sanguinary attack and 
reduction of Oswego by the French troops under General Dieskau, 
Mr. Lewis was standing by the side of Colonel Mersey, who had com- 
mand of the fort, when he was killed. He became a prisoner and was 
held a long time by the Indians, enduring every hardship they could 
impose short of death. As a small compensation for his sufferings 
and losses the British government, on his return, granted him five 
thousand acre9 of land. 

He was among the early and determined opposers to the preten- 
sions of the crown in their mad career of taxation and oppression. He 
was a distinguished and active member of the colonial congress that 
assembled at New York in the autumn of 1765, to devise and mature 
measures to effectuate a redress of injuries and grievances. They 
prepared a petition to the King and House of Commons, and a memo- 
rial to the House of Lords. Their language was respectful, but every 
line breathed a firm determination no longer to yield to injury and 
insult. The chrysalis of the revolution was formed at that time. The 
eruptions of the volcano* occasionally subsided, but as the crater again 
sent forth the lava of insubordination, its volume increased until the 
whole country became inundated by the terrific flood of war, tinged 
by the purple current from the veins of thousands. 

In 1771, Mr. Lewis visited England and made himself familiar 
with the feelings and designs of the British ministry. From that time 
forward he was fully convinced that the infant colonies in America 
could never enjoy their inalienable rights until they severed the pa- 
rental ties that bound them to the mother country. On all proper 
occasions he communicated his views to the friends of liberty, and did 
much on his return to rouse his fellow citizens to a just sense of im- 
pending danger. 

When it was determined to convene the Continental Congress at 
Philadelphia, the minds of his friends were fixed upon Mr. Lewis as 
a man eminently qualified to represent their interests in that august 
body. On the 22nd of April, 1775, he was unanimously elected a 
member by the delegates convened for the purpose, and immediately 
repaired to the key stone city and entered upon the important duties 
assigned him. The following year he was continued in that proud 
station, and affixed his name to the chart of American Independence. 
His long experience in commercial and other business, united with a 
clear head, a patriotic heart, a matured and reflecting mind, richly 
stored with general intelligence, rendered him an influential and use- 
ful member of the Continental Congress. As an active and judicious 
man on business committees, he stood pre-eminent. As a warm and 
zealous advocate of his country's rights, he stood unrivalled. He 
was continued a member of the national legislature until he obtained 
leave of absence in April, 1779, except a short interval in 1777. 

He suffered much in loss of property, which was wantonly destroy- 
ed by the conquering foe. Not satisfied with this, the British seized 
the unprotected wife of Mr. Lewis and placed her in close confine- 
ment, without even a bed on which to repose her delicate frame — 
without a change of clothes, almost without food, and exposed to the 
9 



6(5 RICHARD STOCKTON. 

unmanly and disgraceful insults of more than barbarian wretches. In 
this painful situation she remained for several months, when she was 
finally exchanged through the exertions of General Washington, under 
the direction of Congress, for a Mrs. Barrow, the wife of a British pay- 
master. The consequence of this base imprisonment, was the prema- 
ture death of Mrs. Lewis. 

At the close of the war, Mr. Lewis was reduced from affluence to 
poverty. He had devoted his talents and property in the cause of 
liberty, and what was more, the partner of his youth, the mother of 
his children, had been sacrificed at the shrine of oppression. Not- 
withstanding these misfortunes, the evening of his life was made com- 
fortable by his enterprising children, and on the 30th day of Decem- 
ber, 1803, calm and resigned, he closed his eventful and useful life in 
the 90th year of his age. He left a well earned fame that will sur- 
vive, unimpaired, the revolutions of time. His private character was 
a fair unsullied sheet, as pure and amiable as his public career was 
useful and illustrious. As a man of business he stood in the foremost 
rank, and was the first merchant who made a shipment of wheat to 
Europe. He was indeed a pioneer in the transporting trade. His 
examples in private and public life are worthy of imitation, and justly 
deserve our high admiration. 



RICHARD STOCKTON. 

Among the great variety of characters who signed that master piece 
of composition, the Declaration of Independence, were men of the 
highest literary attainments, ornamented by the most refined manners, 
the strictest virtue, and the noblest patriotism. Amidst these stars, 
the man of whom I now write, shone with peculiar lustre and bright- 
ness. He was the son of John Stockton, born in October, 1730, near 
Princeton, in New Jersey. His great grandfather, of the same name, 
came from England in 1670, purchased near 7000 acres of land within 
two miles of Princeton, and, in 1682, effected the first European set- 
tlement made in that part of the State. On this estate, the Stockton 
family continued to reside and prosper, until driven oft' by the British 
army under Lord Howe, forming the nucleus to a large circle of the 
most worthy and valuable citizens. 

Under the instruction of the celebrated principal of the West Not- 
tingham Academy in Maryland, Rev. Doctor Samuel Finley, the ta- 
lents of young Richard budded, blossomed, and unfolded their beauty; 
to the great satisfaction of his teacher, and admiration of his parents 
and friends. From early youth, he manifested a comprehensive and 
powerful mind. From this Seminary, he was transferred to the Col- 
lege at Newark, where he completed his education, and received the 
merited honours of the first annual commencement at Nassau Hall, 
in 1748, under its highly talented and pious President, the Rev. Mr. 



RICHARD STOCKTON. 57 

Burr. At the early age of eighteen, he commenced the study of law 
under David Ogden, who then stood at the head of his profession in the 
province. He applied himself closely to his studies for six years, when 
he was admitted as an Attorney, and two years after, advanced to the 
grade of Counsellor at Law. He then established himself at his pa- 
ternal seat, and soon rose to the highest rank, and stood unrivalled at 
the New Jersey bar. His fame as an advocate and counsellor rose, 
expanded, and spread; and he was frequently called from his native 
state, to manage suits of high importance. In 1763, he was honoured 
with the degree of sergeant at law. In 1766, he closed his profes- 
sional business, crowned with the fair laurels of his brilliant career, 
and richly rewarded for his toil and labours. He committed it to his 
brother-in-law, Alias Boudinot, Esq., who was then on the flood tide 
of a successful practice. 

In June of that year, anxious to further enrich his mind, he embarked 
for London, and was safely wafted across the Atlantic, to the great 
European metropolis. His fame had been previously spread through 
that country, his visit had been anticipated, and he was received by 
the high dignitaries of Great Britain with the most flattering and 
marked attention. He was presented at the Court of St. James by 
one of the cabinet members, and delivered to the King an address from 
the trustees of the College of New Jersey, expressive of their joy at 
the repeal of the stamp act. 

During his stay, he rendered material services to this college, among 
which, was his influence inducing Doctor Witherspoon to accept of 
its presidential chair, to which he had been elected, and which he had 
declined; thus adding another to the list of high minded and talented 
patriots, who nobly conceived, boldly prosecuted, and gloriously con- 
summated the emancipation of the colonies. 

During his visit, he communicated freely with the statesmen of 
England who were friendly to their brethren in America, and con- 
firmed them more strongly in their opinions of the impolitic course 
pursued by the ministry towards the colonies. 

In February following he visited Edinburgh, where he received the 
most flattering attentions from those in power, being complimented by 
a public dinner and the freedom of the city. On this occasion, he 
delivered an eloquent and appropriate speech, fully sustaining his re- 
ported fame, fully answering their fondest and highest anticipations. 
His company was courted by the most scientific gentlemen of that seat 
of learning, and he was made a welcome and honoured guest at the 
tables of every nobleman upon whom he could call. 

During his stay in the United Kingdom, he visited Dublin, where 
he received the hearty Irish welcome so characteristic of that warm 
hearted nation, and every attention that could render his reception 
flattering and agreeable. The oppressed situation of that unfortunate 
nation, convinced him more strongly of the tyranny of the British 
ministry, and the fate that awaited his native country, by yielding to 
their imperious and humiliating demands. This visit prepared him 
for future action. 

Mr. Stockton was astonished to find so few in England who under- 



Qg RICHARD STOCKTON. 

stood the situation or character of the colonists in America; and the 
English were equally astonished to find so great a man from the 
western wilderness. Misapprehension often produces the most fatal 
consequences, both to individuals and nations. The comprehensive 
mind of this discerning philanthropist readily predicted the result of 
this ignorance, and he accordingly embraced every opportunity for dis- 
pelling this dark mist that hung over the land of his ancestors. With 
many, he succeeded in opening their eyes to the true and relative situa- 
tion of the two countries; but when the powers that stand at the helm 
of a nation are wading in corruption, breathing the atmosphere of 
tyranny, charged with sordid avarice, thirsting for an extension of 
power, delighting in slavery and oppression, they dethrone reason, 
bid defiance to justice, trample law under their feet, and, if possible, 
would dethrone the great Jehovah to accomplish their designs. Thus 
infatuated were the British ministry when they turned a deaf ear to 
the petitions and remonstrances of the American colonists, and the 
wise counsels of the ablest statesmen that then illuminated their par- 
liament. 

Having been more than a year absent from "sweet home," Mr. 
Stockton began to make arrangements for his return. His mind had 
become greatly enriched and embellished by the numerous advantages 
of his varied intercourse with men of science and eminence. He had 
listened to the forensic eloquence and powerful arguments of Elack- 
stone, and the other celebrated pleaders at Westminster Hall. He 
had treasured in his capacious mind, the clear and erudite decisions 
of the learned and profound judges, who then graced the judicial bench. 
He had witnessed the enrapturing powers of Chatham, and the logi- 
cal genius of Burke. He had become familiar with the highly polished 
and fascinating manners of Chesterfield, and had seen Garrick in the 
zenith of his glory. Thus richly laden, he spread his sails to the 
gentle breeze, and, in twenty-six days, he was wafted to the shores of 
his native land, where he arrived in September, 1767. He was re- 
ceived with demonstrations of the liveliest joy by his fellow citizens, 
and of the kindest affection by his immediate friends and connections. 

Two years after he was elevated to a seat in the supreme judiciary 
and executive council, in consequence of the high opinion entertained 
of his talents by the King. 

In 1774 he was appointed a judge of the supreme court, being 
associated with his old friend and preceptor, David Ogden. During 
this time he greatly improved and embellished his plantation, and 
was surrounded by all the comforts and enjoyments this world can 
give. But how uncertain are the joys of this mundane sphere. The 
revolutionary storm was gathering. The dark clouds were rolling 
on the winds of fury. An awful crisis had arrived. He was a favour- 
ite of the crown. The flames of revenge were concentrating like the 
raging fire on a prairie, and it became necessary for him to choose 
whom he would serve. The influence he wielded made the decision 
one of high importance to his king and his country. In view of the 
prospect as presented to human eyes, all that is based on self, urged 
him to maintain allegiance to the mother country. But he knew that 



RICHARD STOCKTON. (59 

country well. He knew and loved his own better. The pomp of 
courts had no charms for him; he was a republican, a patriot, a friend 
to liberty; in her cause he enlisted; under her banners he took his 
stand, willing to sacrifice his property, kingly favour, and his life, 
in defending the sacred rights of his bleeding, his injured fellow 
citizens. 

He carried with him his friend, the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, both of 
whom were elected, in June, 1776, to the Continental Congress at 
Philadelphia, vested with full power to unite in such measures as that 
body might deem necessary and expedient to adopt under existing 
circumstances. Mr. Stockton, after listening to the arguments seve- 
ral days, stood forth, an eloquent and bold advocate, for the declara- 
tion of independence, brandishing the amputating knife fearlessly in 
public and in private. 

Nor did he stand alone. The members of that august body soon 
acquired the art of cutting-ybe and six. They forged and finished a 
blade, pure as damask steel, and placed it in the hands of their vene- 
rable President, John Hancock. Liberty dipped her golden pen in the 
font of Freedom, and recorded the names of the memorable fifty-six 
upon the shining tablet of enduring fame. At one bold stroke the 
cords of parental authority were cut asunder. America was redeemed, 
regenerated, and free. Heaven smiled its approbation, angels shouted 
their joy, nations gazed with admiring wonder, and every patriot re- 
sponded a loud — AMEN. 

The extensive information, matured experience, soaring talent, and 
powerful eloquence of Mr. Stockton, rendered him one of the most 
useful and efficient members of that Congress. His knowledge of 
law and political economy, of human nature, human rights, and 
of men and things, enabled him to command the respect and admira- 
tion of all his colleagues. He performed every duty assigned him 
with zeal, industry, and dignity. In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Stock- 
ton and George Clymer, of Pennsylvania, were sent to inspect the 
northern army, with full power to provide for its wants and correct 
any abuses that might exist. This duty they discharged in the most 
satisfactory manner, both to the officers of the army and to Congress. 

Soon after his return he was under the necessity of removing his 
family to save them from the brutality of the approaching enemy. 
Whilst performing this important duty he was taken prisoner by the 
British, dragged from his bed, and, in the most brutal manner, con- 
veyed to New York, consigned to the common prison, deprived of 
every comfort, left twenty-four hours without any provisions, and then 
received but a very small and coarse supply; in direct violation of the 
laws of nations and humanity, and of all the rules of civilized war- 
fare. This base treatment impaired his health, and laid the founda- 
tion of disease that terminated in death. His capture was effected 
by the information of a tory, who was subsequently indicted and 
punished for the act. 

This abuse of one of their members, roused the indignation of 
Congress. General Washington was directed to send a flag of truce 



70 



RICHARD STOCKTON. 



to General Howe, and ultimately obtained the release of Mr. Stock- 
ton. Simultaneous with this event, his property was devastated by 
a merciless soldiery, his papers and extensive library burnt, and his 
plantation left a desolate waste. 

Thus oppressed by want and disease, he was unable to again take 
his seat in Congress, but was ever ready to give counsel and advice, 
and was often consulted. His opinions had great weight, and in this 
way his country continued to be benefitted long after disease had 
fastened its iron hand upon him. Among his complicated afflictions 
he had a cancer upon the neck, which rendered his situation painful 
in the extreme. He endured his sufferings with christian fortitude 
until the 28th of February, 1781, when death relieved him from his 
burden of afflictions, and assigned him a place amongst the peaceful 
dead. He died at his native residence, near Princeton, in the 51st 
year of his age, mourned, deeply mourned, by all his numerous ac- 
quaintances and by his country. 

Thus prematurely ended the brilliant career of one of Columbia's 
noblest sons. He was a man of general science and universal know- 
ledge. He was the first chief justice of his native state under the new 
constitution. As a lawyer he stood pre-eminent; as a judge he was 
impartial, sound, and lucid; as a statesman, able, discreet, and wise; 
as a patriot, firm, fearless, and devoted; as a gentleman, polished, 
urbane, and graceful; as a citizen, liberal, peaceful, and generous; 
as a friend, true, sympathetic, and charitable; as a husband, kind, 
affectionate, and provident; as a father, faithful, tender, and instruc- 
tive; as a christian, open, frank, and consistent; as a man, honest, 
noble, and brave; and as a whole, he was an ornament in society, an 
honour to his country, and a blessing to mankind. 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 

It is a fact worthy of remark, that many of the most eminent 
sages of the American revolution were devoted and consistent profes- 
sors of Christianity, and some of them ministers of the cross. They 
all seem to have been actuated by motives pure as Heaven, and in- 
fluenced alone by the demands of imperious duty, based upon the in- 
alienable rights of man. They were not prompted to action from a 
love of conquest or of military glory. Their pilgrim fathers fled from 
the clanking chains of servile oppression, and planted the standard of 
civilization in the new world, that they might enjoy freedom in its 
native purity, and transmit the rich behest to their offspring. The 
principles of rational liberty were enforced upon the minds of each 
rising generation, and when tyranny reared its hydra head, they readily 
recognised the monster, and resolved, nobly resolved, to drive from 
their shores the invading foe. 

Among the revolutionary sages who boldly espoused the cause of 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 71 

equal rights, was Samuel Adams, who was born in Boston, Massachu- 
setts, on the 22nd of September, 1722. He was a man of middle 
size, well formed, with a countenance beaming with intelligence, in- 
dicating firmness of purpose and energy of action. His parents were 
highly respectable, and descended from ancestors who had always 
moved in the first rank of society, and were among the early emi- 
grants to this western world. His father was for many years a mem- 
ber of the Assembly of Massachusetts, and by him, this, his eldest son, 
was early taught those liberal principles that he so fearlessly and 
triumphantly vindicated during his subsequent career. 

When but a child, Samuel Adams exhibited the index of a strong 
and enquiring mind, and talents of a high order. Under the guidance 
and instruction of Mr. Lovell, an eminent teacher of that day, he was 
prepared to enter upon his collegiate studies. He was remarkable for 
his close application, and rapid progress in the exploration of the field 
of science. He soared above the allurements that too often lead the 
juvenile mind astray, and made his books his highest pleasure. His 
powers of intellect unfolded their variegated hues like a blooming- 
amaranth, and shed a pleasing lustre around him, gratifying to his 
friends and creditable to himself. 

Being of a serious turn, his father placed him in Harvard College, 
believing him destined for the gospel ministry. He ascended the hill 
of science with a steady and rapid pace, and gained the esteem and 
admiration of all around him. During his whole course, he subjected 
himself to reproof but once, and that for remaining too late in the 
arms of Morpheus, by reason of which he did not arrive in time to 
attend morning prayers. At the age of eighteen, he received the de- 
gree of bachelor of arts; and, three years after, that of master of 
arts, although much of his time had been devoted to the investigation 
of theology, which apparently had been the absorbing topic of his 
thoughts during the last years he was in college: the subject of his 
discourse, when he took his final degree, showed that other ideas had 
also received his attention. It was this: "Is it lawful to resist the su- 
preme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserv- 
ed." In a masterly manner he maintained the affirmative of this 
proposition, and with enrapturing eloquence and unanswerable logic, 
unfolded the beauties of that liberty for which he subsequently pledg- 
ed his life, his fortune and his sacred honour. From that time he 
seems to have abandoned the idea of clerical orders, and to have 
turned all the powers of his gigantic mind to the disenthralment of 
his country. From that time forward he became a bold and constant 
advocate of equal rights, and a valiant opposer of British wrongs. 
By rigid economy he had saved a sum of money from the stipend al- 
lowed him by his father when in college; this he devoted to the pub- 
lication of a pamphlet from his own pen, entitled "The Englishman's 
Rights." This was one of the entering wedges of the revolution, 
and awakened a spirit of enquiry that eventually kindled the flame 
of opposition to the increasing oppressions of the crown that consum- 
ed the power of monarchy over Columbia's soil. 

Anxious that his son should embark in some permanent business, 



72 SAMUEL ADAMS. 

the father of Samuel Adams obtained for him a situation in the count- 
ing-house of Thomas Cushing. an eminent merchant of that period, 
preparatory to his engaging in commercial affairs; but for that sphere 
of action nature had not designed him; his mind became absorbed in 
the pursuit of political knowledge, international law, and the rights 
of man. 

About the time he entered the counting-house, he formed a club of 
kindred spirits, for the purpose of political discussion and enquiry. 
Mr. Adams and some of the other members furnished political essays 
for a newspaper called the Independent Advertiser, which were so 
severe in their strictures upon the conduct of the creatures of the 
crown, that the association obtained the name of the "Whipping Post 
Club." The hirelings of the king treated these essays with derision, 
and passed them by as idle wind; upon the great mass of the people 
they had a different influence. Stamped upon their face with plain 
truth, sound reasoning and uncontroverted facts, they operated upon 
British power like the sea-worm upon a vessel, silently and slowly, but 
with sure destruction. They contributed largely in perforating each 
plank of the proud ship of monarchy, then riding over the American 
colonies, until she sank to rise no more. They served as the kin- 
dling material of that blazing fire that ultimately illumined the horizon 
of liberty and lighted the pilgrim patriots to the goal of freedom. 
"Behold how great a matter a little tire kindleth." 

During the administration of Shirley, Mr. Adams wrote several 
spirited essays against his course and policy, and portrayed, in glowing 
colours, the dangers of concentrating civil and military power in the 
same individual. 

After remaining for a time with Mr. Cushing, his father furnished 
him with a liberal capital, and he commenced business for himself. 
By losses, arising from the pernicious credit system, he was soon 
stripped of all his stock in trade. By the death of his father he was 
left, at the age of twenty-five, to take charge of the paternal estate 
and family. In the discharge of that duty, he proved that he was 
competent to manage pecuniary matters, by bringing his mind to bear 
upon the subject. The estate was considerably involved and under 
an attachment when he undertook his trust, from which he entirely 
relieved it. This accomplished he again bestowed his attention almost 
entirely upon politics. He became celebrated as a keen, sarcastic, 
and ready writer, and laid deep the foundations of his fame as a 
statesman. He analyzed every point at issue between his own and the 
mother country, and exposed the corruptions of the British ministry 
to public gaze in all their pristine deformity. He soon became one of 
the most popular whigs in his native state, and was hailed as one of 
their boldest leaders. From his boyhood he had advocated their cause, 
and despised the chains of slavery. So strongly did the whig party 
become attached to him, that many of its members who were not per- 
sonally acquainted with him contributed liberally to relieve him from 
pecuniary embarrassments, which arose from devoting his time exclu- 
sively to political matters. No man had examined more closely, or 
understood better, the relative situation of Great Britain and her 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 73 

American colonies. He measured every circumstance upon the scale 
of reason, and based his every action upon the sure foundation of 
immutable justice. He was not rash and inflammatory' — always ap- 
pealing to the judgment and understanding — endeavouring to allay 
rather than excite the passions of men. He was a friend to order, 
opposed to sudden bursts of popular fury, and to every thing calcu- 
lated to produce riotous and tumultuous proceedings. He took a phi- 
losophic view of the chartered rights guarantied to his country, and 
of the infringements upon them. 

Organized and systematic opposition against the unwarranted en- 
croachments of the crown, emanating from the great majority of the 
sovereign people, was the plan he proposed; to be manifested first by 
petition and remonstrance, and, in the last resort, by an appeal to 
arms. Upon the expansive basis of republican principles he took his 
stand; calm and undismayed he maintained his position. When the 
offensive stamp act was promulged, he exposed its odious features; 
and when the climax of oppression was capped by the imposition of 
taxes upon various articles of daily consumption, for the support of a 
corrupt and corrupting foreign ministry, which denied the right of 
representation to the colonies, Samuel Adams proclaimed to his coun- 
trymen, that the time had arrived when forbearance was no longer a 
virtue, and that forcible resistance had become their imperious duty. 
He showed conclusively that the parliament of Great Britain had vio- 
lated the constitution that should have guided their deliberations. 
Americans had in vain claimed protection under its banner, its sacred 
covering was snatched from over their heads, they were left exposed 
to the insults of foreign officers who were throwing the coils of tyranny 
around them. To be slaves or freemen was the important question. 
Being a member of the general assembly and clerk of the house, he 
was enabled to exercise a salutary and extensive influence. With 
great ardour and zeal, he united prudence and discretion. From the 
time he was elected in 1765, he remained in the assembly of his na- 
tive state until he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress. 
He exerted the noblest powers of his mind to prepare the people for 
the approaching crisis, and kindled a flame of patriotic fire that in- 
creased in volume as time rolled on. He was the first man who pro- 
posed to the people of Massachusetts the non -importation act, the 
committees of correspondence, and the congress that assembled at 
Philadelphia in 1774. Nor did he confine his exertions or limit his 
influence to New England alone; he corresponded with the eminent 
patriots of the middle and southern states, and contributed largely in 
producing unity of sentiment and concert of action in the glorious 
cause of liberty throughout the colonies. Over his own constituents 
he held a magic influence. At the sound of his voice the fury of a 
Boston mob would instantly cease; he could lead the lion of faction 
with a single hair. The people knew well he would maintain what 
was clearly right, and submit to nothing, willingly, that was clearly 
wrong. 

When the aftray of the first of March, 1770, between the British 
soldiers and some of the citizens of Boston occurred, the influence of 
10 



74 SAMUEL ADAMS. 

Mr. Adams prevented the further effusion of blood, after the populace 
had been roused to vengeance by the death of several of their com- 
panions. He addressed the assembled multitude, and proposed the 
appointment of a committee to wait upon Lieutenant Governor 
Hutchinson, and request the immediate removal of the soldiers, then 
quartered upon the town. The plan was approved, and Mr. Adams 
was made the chairman of the committee. His excellency at first 
refused the request, but found that fatal results would follow if 
he persisted. The chairman met all his objections fearlessly, and 
confuted them triumphantly, and told him plainly, that an immediate 
compliance with the request of the people would alone prevent the 
most disastrous consequences, and that the Lieutenant Governor 
would be held responsible for the further waste of human life. The 
troops were removed to the castle, and peace restored. 

Every exertion was used by the adherents of the crown to induce 
Mr. Adams to relinquish his whig principles, and accept of golden 
honours under the King. Governor Gage sent a special messenger, 
Colonel Fenton, to him, to induce him to bow his knee to the throne. 
After finding that England was not rich enough to buy him, he 
threatened to have him arrested and sent beyond the seas to be tried 
for high treason. He listened with more apparent attention to this 
last suggestion, and, after a pause, asked Colonel Fenton if he would 
truly deliver his reply to Governor Gage. On receiving an affirma- 
tive assurance, he rose from his chair, and assuming an air of wither- 
ing contempt, he said " I trust I have long since made my peace 
with the King of Kings. No personal consideration shall induce 
me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor 
Gage, it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to exaspe- 
rate the feelings of an insulted people." 

This reply roused the ire of the royal governor, and when he sub- 
sequently issued his proclamation, ottering a free pardon to such of 
the rebels as would return to what he termed their duty, he excepted 
Samuel Adams and John Hancock. The two patriots received this 
mark of distinction as a high commission from the throne, directing 
their future course. They received it as a carte blanche, that left 
them as free as mountain air in all their actions. No bribe could 
seduce, or threat divert Mr. Adams from the patriotic path he had 
marked out. He placed his trust in the Rock of Ages, and enjoyed 
the rich consolations of an approving conscience, and the unlimited 
confidence and cheering approbation of the friends of equal rights. 
These were more dearly prized by him than all the royal honours 
within the gift of kings. 

Mr. Adams was from that time forward marked out as an object of 
vengeance by the British authorities. He was one of the causes that 
hastened on the final commencement of open hostilities. The object 
of the king's troops in proceeding to Lexington on the memorable 
19th of April, 1775, was to arrest Samuel Adams and John Hancock, 
and obtain their papers. Apprised of their business, General Joseph 
Warren despatched an express late in the evening to the two patriots, 
warning them of the approaching danger. In a few moments after 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 75 

they received the information, the British troops entered the house 
in which they were, from whom they narrowly escaped. In a few 
short hours the dark curtain rose, and the revolutionary tragedy 
commenced. The last maternal cord was severed, the great seal of 
the original compact was dissolved in blood, and the covenants of 
the two parties were fully cancelled. 

Mr. Adams remained in the neighbourhood; and the next morning, 
as the day dawned, and the sun rose without a cloud to dim its rays, 
he remarked to a friend, "this is a glorious day for America." He 
viewed the sacrifice as an earnest of future blessings and ultimate 
happiness. 

To rouse the people to action, now became the sole business of this 
devoted friend of his bleeding country. Having been a member of 
the Congress that met at Philadelphia the previous year, he was well 
convinced, from the feelings then expressed by the members from all 
the colonies, that the simultaneous efforts of those opposed to the 
usurpations of the crown, would be exerted in the common cause against 
the common enemy. They only waited for the grand signal to action; 
this had now been given; the tocsin of war had been sounded; the 
requium of battle had been sung; its heart piercing notes were wafted 
far and wide on the wings of echo, and were responded to by mil- 
lions of patriotic souls, resolved on liberty or death, victory or the 
grave. Mr. Adams mourned deeply the death of his friends who 
were the martyrs of that tragical, yet glorious day: but rejoiced that 
their funeral knell would shake to its very centre the temple of Bri- 
tish power in America, and that their blood would cry to Heaven for 
vengeance, and incite to vigorous and triumphant action, the hardy 
sons of the new world. The event gave to his own mind new 
powers of propulsion, and nerved him with fresh vigour to meet the 
fiery trials that were in reserve for him. As dangers increased 
he became more bold in his propositions to the people to maintain 
their rights; as the wrath of his enemies grew hotter against him, he 
became more highly appreciated by the populace, and was uniformly 
styled, Samuel Mams the Patriot. His fame and his influence 
expanded with each revolving day; his friends were animated by his 
counsels and eloquence; his foes were astounded and chagrined at 
the boldness of his career. In the assembly of his own state, he 
effected the passage of a series of resolutions deemed treasonable by 
the royal governor, by locking the door and keeping the key himself 
to prevent the proceedings of the house from being known in time 
for the adherents of the crown to defeat them. In the Congress of 
1776, he was among the first to propose and strongly advocate the 
declaration of independence; and always contended it should have 
followed immediately after the battle of Lexington. He demonstrated 
all his propositions in a clear, calm, dignified and logical manner; 
and always planted himself upon the firm basis of reason and justice. 
He was extremely zealous, but not rash; he was ardent and decisive, 
but wise and judicious. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted 
by the Continental Congress, on the 4th of July, 1776, he most 
cheerfully affixed his name to that sacred instrument without the 



76 SAMUEL ADAMS. 

least hesitation. He had been an able and eloquent advocate of the 
measure; he had long cherished and fondly nursed the project of an 
unequivocal separation from the mother country, and rejoiced at the 
final consummation of his ardent desires. 

During the darkest periods of the revolution, he was calm and 
cheerful, and did much to banish despair from the minds of the de- 
sponding. In 1777, when Congress was obliged to fly to Lancas- 
ter, and a dismal gloom was spread over the cause of the patriots like 
the mantle of night, several of the leading members were convened, in 
company with Mr. Adams, and were conversing upon the disasters of 
the American arms, and concluded the chance for ultimate success 
was desperate. Mr. Adams replied, "If this be our language, it is so 
indeed. If we wear long faces, they will become fashionable. Let 
us banish such feelings, and show a spirit that will keep alive the 
confidence of the people. Better tidings will soon arrive. Our cause 
is just and righteous, and we shall never be abandoned by Heaven, 
while we show ourselves worthy of its aid and protection." At that 
time there were but twenty-eight members in Congress, and Mr. 
Adams remarked, "it was the smallest, but truest Congress they ever 
had." 

Shortly after that trying period, the rays of hope dawned upon 
them, the news of the surrender of Burgoyne removed the long faces, 
and put a new aspect upon the American cause. The friends of liberty 
were reanimated; their hearts were enlivened by fresh courage; the 
anchor of hope held them more firmly to their moorings. The arrival 
of Lord Howe, the Earl of Carlisle, and Mr. Eden, with what they 
termed the olive branch of peace from Lord North, also created a 
new excitement. Mr. Adams was on the committee appointed to 
treat with these messengers of the king. On examining the terms 
proposed, the committee found that the pretended olive branch had 
been plucked from the Bohon Upas of an overbearing and corrupt 
ministry, and promptly replied, through Mr. Adams, "Congress will 
attend to no terms of peace that are inconsistent with the honour of 
an independent nation." This answer was as unexpected to the royal 
trio, as it was laconic and patriotic. The grand Rubicon had been 
passed, the city of chains had been abandoned, and nothing could in- 
duce the sages of '76 to look back, or tarry on the plain of monarchy. 

In 1779, Samuel Adams and John Adams were appointed by the 
committee of which they were members, to draft a constitution for the 
state of Massachusetts, under the new form of government. They 
ably performed the duty assigned them — the convention sanctioned 
the document they submitted with but few amendments, and adopted 
it for the future government of the state. The same gentlemen also 
prepared for the convention an address to the people on that occasion, 
which also met the approval of that body, and was responded to, with 
high approbation, by the hardy yeomanry of that state. 

Mr. Adams was also a member of the convention of his native state, 
convened in 1787, to act upon the Constitution of the United States, 
then submitted for consideration. Some of its features appeared ob- 
jectionable to him, but he cautiously avoided any opposition, lest he 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 77 

should endanger its final adoption, which he considered the best poli- 
cy, securing tor it future amendments. He was most particularly 
opposed to the article that rendered the states amenable to the national 
courts. After listening to the arguments for and against it, he sub- 
mitted certain amendments, which were approved by the convention, 
and when it was finally sanctioned by a majority of the members, 
these amendments were submitted with it, and recommended for the 
future consideration of Congress, and some of them have since been 
adopted. 

From 1789 to 1794 Mr. Adams was lieutenant-governor of Massa- 
chusetts, and from that time to 1797 was governor of that state. He 
performed the executive duties with great ability, and contributed 
largely in raising his native domain to a flourishing condition and dig- 
nified standing. He watched over all her interests with a parental 
care, and viewed her rising greatness with an honest pride. He had 
seen her sons writhing under the lash of oppression, and the bones of 
her daughters bleaching in the wind. He now beheld the people in- 
dependent and happy, prosperous and virtuous. He could now de- 
part in peace. His infirmities and age admonished him to retire from 
the great theatre of public action, on which he had so long been a pro- 
minent actor, and having filled the gubernatorial chair for three years, 
he bid a final farewell to political life, approved by his country, his 
conscience and his God. His health continued to decrease gradually 
with each returning autumn, and on the 3d of October, 1803, his im- 
mortal spirit left its tenement of clay, and soared aloft, on wings of 
faith, to mansions of bliss beyond the skies, where flow rivers of joy 
for evermore. He died, rejoicing in the merits of his glorified Re- 
deemer, who had triumphed over death and the grave. He had fought 
the good fight of faith, as well as that of Liberty; and felt a full assur- 
ance of receiving a crown of glory at the hands of King Immanuel. 

Amidst all the turmoils of political and revolutionary strife, Mr. 
Adams never neglected religious duties. When at home, he was 
faithful to the family altar, and uniformly attended public worship 
when practicable. He was a consistent every-day christian, free from 
bigotry and fanaticism, not subject to sudden contractions and expan- 
sions of mind, rather puritanical in his views, yet charitable in his 
feelings, and not disposed to persecute any one for the sake of opinion. 
He adorned his profession of Christianity by pure moral conduct, and 
the most scrupulous honesty, during his whole life. As a public man 
and a private citizen, he was highly esteemed, and richly earned a place 
in the front rank of the fathers of the American revolution. He placed 
a low value upon riches, and died poor, but not the less esteemed be- 
cause of his poverty. He placed a high value upon common school 
education, and a proper estimate upon the higher branches of science. 
He was strongly in favour of teaching the great mass of the people 
the rudiments of an English education, even should it be at the ex- 
pense of the classics. General intelligence, widely and thoroughly 
disseminated, he considered one of the strongest bulwarks to preserve 
the independence of a nation against the innovations of intriguing and 
designing men, who regard se//"more than the glory of their country. 



78 DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. 

He took a liberal, expansive, and philosophic view of every subject 
he investigated, and formed his conclusions only from a close convic- 
tion that they were based upon correct premises and sound com- 
mon sense. In the cause of freedom he laboured incessantly, 
from his youth through a long life, and was ever ready to throw him- 
self in every breach made by the creatures of the crown upon the 
rights of his country. At town meetings, in the formation of indepen- 
dent societies, in the columns of a newspaper, in the assembly of his 
own state, and in the national legislature, he always filled a broad 
space and moved in a large circumference. He was pure in his mo- 
tives, bold in his plans, open and frank in his sentiments, firm in his 
purposes, energetic in his actions, and honourable in his course. He 
wielded an able pen, varying his style to suit every occasion. But 
few of his productions have been preserved. His answer to Thomas 
Paine's writings against Christianity, is perhaps superior to any thing 
that has been written on the subject. His four letters on government, 
published in 1800, show a clear head, a good heart, and a gigantic 
mind. His political essays, penned before and during the revolution, 
were soul-stirring appeals, and contributed largely in rousing the 
people to a defence of their inalienable rights. 

As an orator, he was eloquent, chaste, and logical, always rising 
with the magnitude of his subject. It was only on great occasions 
that his powers were fully developed; but on all occasions he was 
listened to with profound attention. He always spoke sensibly and 
to the point, addressing the understanding rather than the passions. 

His manners were urbane, plain, and unaffected; his mode of living- 
frugal and temperate; his attachments strong, sincere, and uniform; 
his whole life was one continued chain of usefulness, devoted to the 
good of his fellow men, the liberty and prosperity of his country, and 
the happiness of the human family. Let his example be imitated, and 
our Union may long be preserved from the iron grasp of ambitious 
partisans and the fatal snares of designing demagogues: let them be 
discarded, and it will prove a rope of sand, the temple of our Liberty 
will crumble and moulder with the dust of Samuel Adams. 



DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. 

A sacred halo surrounds this name, as imperishable as the pages of 
history. In the service of his country, and in the pursuit of his pro- 
fession, Benjamin Rush tilled the measure of his glory. His revered 
memory is cherished by many surviving friends; his fame will be 
chaunted by millions yet unborn. 

He was a native of Bristol, Bucks county, Pennsylvania, born on 
the 24th of December, 1745. His ancestors immigrated to this country 
under the auspices of William Penn, as early as 1683. His father 



DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. 79 

was a highly respectable agriculturalist, and died when this son was 
but a child. At the age of nine years, Benjamin was placed under 
the tuition of his maternal uncle, the Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, whose 
literary attainments were of a high order, and who was subsequently 
elected president of the college at Princeton, New Jersey. Young 
Rush continued under the instruction of this accomplished teacher 
until he was fourteen, when he entered Princeton college, then under 
the direction of President Davis. Like an expanding flower courting 
the genial warmth of spring, the talents of this young freshman 
rapidly unfolded their rich lustre beneath the shining rays of the sun 
of science. So astonishing was his proficiency, that in one year after 
he commenced his collegiate course, he received the degree of bache- 
lor of arts; a high compliment to his former instructor, a merited 
tribute to his own industry, acquirements and genius. During his 
brief stay at Princeton, he gained the friendship of all around him, 
and was esteemed one of the most eloquent public speakers among 
the students. With the best wishes of the professors and his class- 
mates, he left them the following year, and commenced the study of 
medicine with Dr. John Redman, then one of the most eminent prac- 
titioners in the city of Penn. The same industry that had marked 
his previous course, made him a favourite son of iEsculapius. The 
same urbanity and modesty that had made him a welcome guest in 
every circle in which he had previously moved, constantly gained for 
him new and influential friends. After pursuing his study with 
great assiduity for six years under the instruction of Dr. Redman, he 
entered the medical university of Edinburgh, in Scotland, where he 
reaped the full benefit of the lectures of the celebrated professors 
Munro, Cullen, Black and Gregory; and received the degree of 
doctor of medicine in 1768. Although then laden with an unusual 
store of knowledge in the healing art, his investigating mind led him 
to explore still farther the important field of science before him, and 
reduce to practice, under the superintendence of able practitioners, 
his vast stock of theory. He accordingly went to London, where he 
was admitted to practice in the hospitals of that city. He soon 
became eminent as a bold and successful operator, a skilful and 
judicious physician. After remaining there nearly a year, he visited 
Paris, and, in the spring of 1769, returned to the warm embrace 
of his connections and friends, and commenced his useful career in 
the city of Philadelphia. 

His professional fame had preceded him, and his superior acquire- 
ments were immediately called into action. In addition to an exten- 
sive practice, he was elected one of the professors of the medical 
school that had recently been organized by Drs. Bond, Kuhn, Mor- 
gan and Shippen. This mark of distinction was conferred upon him 
within a few months after his return. Upon a substantial basis he 
continued to build an honest and enduring fame, participating in all 
the passing events that concerned his country's good and his coun- 
try's glory; at the same time discharging his professional duties 
promptly and faithfully. 

Although he had apparently been absorbed in the study of medi- 



gO D &- BENJAMIN RUSH. 

cine, it was soon discovered that he had made himself familiar with 
the relative situation of the mother country and the American colo- 
nies. He had closely examined the unwarranted pretensions of the 
former, and the aggravated grievances of the latter. His noble soul 
was touched by the sufferings of oppressed humanity, and warmed 
by the patriotic fire of freedom. He became a bold and able advo- 
cate in the cause of liberty, a firm and decided opposer of British 
tyranny, a strong and energetic supporter of equal rights. Mingling 
with all classes through the medium of his profession, his influence 
was as extensive and multiform, as it was useful and salutary. The 
independence of his country was the desire of his heart; to see her 
regenerated and free, was his anxious wish. So conspicuous a part 
did he act in the passing scenes of that eventful period, that he was 
chosen a member of the Congress of 1776, and sanctioned the decla- 
ration of independence, by affixing his name to that sacred instrument. 

The year following, he was appointed physician-general of the 
military hospital for the middle department, and rendered himself 
extensively useful during the whole of the revolution. He was ever 
ready to go where duty called, and exerted his noblest powers in the 
glorious cause he had espoused, until he saw the star spangled banner 
wave in triumph over his native land, and the incense of liberty 
ascending to Heaven, in sappharine clouds, from the altar of freedom. 

This great work accomplished, he desired to be occupied only by 
his profession. For a time, his services were diverted from this 
channel, by his being elected a member of the convention of Penn- 
sylvania to take into consideration the adoption of the federal con- 
stitution. Having examined the arguments as they progressed in 
the national convention that formed it, he was fully prepared to enter 
warmly and fully into the advocacy of that instrument. When it 
received the sanction of a majority of the States, the measure of the 
political ambition of Dr. Rush was filled. He retired from that kind 
of public life, crowned with laurels of immortal fame, that will bloom 
and survive, until patriotism shall be lost in anarchy, and the last 
vestige of liberty is destroyed by the tornado of faction. The only 
station he ever consented to fill under government subsequently was 
that of cashier of the United States Mint. 

From that period forward, he devoted his time and talents to the 
business of his profession, to the improvement of medical science, and 
the melioration of the ills that flesh is heir to. 

In 1789, he was elected professor of the theory and practice of 
physic, as the successor of Dr. Morgan, and in 1791 he was appointed 
to the professorship of the institutes of medicine and clinical prac- 
tice, and upon the resignation of Dr. Kuhn, in 1806, he was honoured 
by the united professorships of the theory and practice of physic and 
of clinical medicine, which stations he ably filled until death closed 
his useful career. 

Besides those already mentioned he performed many duties in va- 
rious associations formed for benevolent purposes. He was president 
of the American Society for the Abolition of Slavery, vice president of 
the Philadelphia Bible Society, president of the Philadelphia Medical 



DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. gj 

Society, one of the vice presidents of the American Philosophical So- 
ciety, and a member of several other philanthropic institutions both in 
this country and in Europe. For many years he was one of the phy- 
sicians of the Pennsylvania Hospital, and took a deep interest in its 
prosperity and welfare. Wherever he could be useful by counsel, 
influence, or action, he was sure to be found. To soothe the troubled 
bosom heaving with anguish, to alleviate the suffering patient writhing 
under pain, to supply the pinching wants of the poor and needy 
sinking under adversity, afforded Dr. Rush more pleasure than to 
have been placed on the loftiest pinnacle of political fame; a richer 
joy than to have been the triumphant chieftain of a conquered world. 
Amidst his multifarious duties he arranged his time with so much 
system and order as to produce a routine of harmonious action. His 
professional duties, his books, and his pen, were all attended to in 
proper time. He wrote numerous literary, moral, and philosophical 
essays, and several volumes on medical science, among which were 
his "Medical Inquiries and Observations," and a "History of the 
Yellow Fever." He spent much time in the investigation of that 
fatal disease, and in endeavouring to arrive at the best mode of treat- 
ment. In this, as well as in many other cases, the lancet was his anchor 
of hope. During the prevalence of any disease his exertions to alleviate 
distress and arrest its progress, were unremitting and indefatigable. 
He obeyed the calls of the poor and needy as promptly as those of the 
rich and affluent. He was particularly attentive to those who had 
employed him when prosperity cheered their onward course, and were 
subsequently prostrated by adversity. He was not a sunshine friend. 

He was the man whose liberal mind 
Wished general good to all mankind; 
Who, when his friend by fortune's wound, 
Fell tumbling headlong to the ground, 
Could meet him with a warm embrace, 
And wipe the tears from off his face. 

A pious and exemplary christian, he poured the balm of consola- 
tion into the wounds of the desponding heart as freely as he adminis- 
tered to alleviate the pains of the body. His counsels were full of 
wisdom and benevolence, and rescued many a frail bark from total 
shipwreck. His soul-cheering advice and enlivening presence drove 
despair from many an agonized mind, imparting fresh vigour by ad- 
ministering the elixir of hope and the tonic of perseverance. 

Blessed with a vigorous constitution, Dr. Rush was able to dis- 
charge his numerous duties until a short time previous to his death, 
which occurred on the 19th of April, 1813. Although advanced in 
years new honours continued to gather around him; new fields of 
usefulness were constantly opening before him; the lustre of his fame 
had scarcely arrived at its high meridian; the zenith of his glory 
would unquestionably have reached a loftier summit had his life and 
health been spared a few years longer. 

As the news of his death spread, a universal sorrow pervaded all 
classes; funeral sermons were preached, eulogies pronounced, and 
processions formed throughout the United States, as a faint tribute to 
11 



g2 DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. 

the memory of the departed sage, patriot, scholar, and philanthropist. 
When the sad tidings reached England and France, the same demon- 
strations of respect were manifested there; the tears of sympathy and 
mourning for departed worth stood trembling in many European eyes. 
In the halls of science on both sides of the Atlantic, Dr. Rush was 
well known, and held in the highest estimation. By our own coun- 
try his loss was most keenly felt; by the civilized world, deeply la- 
mented. The graves of but few men have been moistened by as many 
tears from the high and the low, the rich and the poor, as that of Dr. 
Benjamin Rush. His fame is based upon substantial merit; his name 
is engraven in deep and indelible traces upon the hearts of his coun- 
trymen; his reputation is written on the tablet of history in letters of 
gold by the finger of justice, dipped in the font of gratitude, and will 
endure, unscathed and unimpaired, until the last trump shall proclaim 
to the astonished world, time shall be no longer. 

The private character of this great and worthy man, was as unsul- 
lied and pure as his public career was brilliant and useful. His heart 
was richly stored with the milk of human kindness; his benevolence 
sometimes carried him beyond his professional income in donations 
to the poor, to churches, seminaries of learning, and to other objects 
calculated to benefit mankind. 

He was temperate in his habits, neat in his apparel and person, 
social and gentlemanly in his intercourse with society, urbane and 
courteous in his manners, interesting and instructive in his conversa- 
tion, modest and unassuming in his deportment. He was a warm 
and affectionate companion, the widow's friend, and the orphan's 
father. 

In size he was above the middle stature, rather slender, but well 
proportioned. His mouth and chin were well formed, his nose aque- 
line, his eyes blue and animated, with a high and prominent forehead. 
The diameter. of his head, from back to front, was unusually great. 
His combined features were commanding and prepossessing, his coun- 
tenance indicated a powerful and gigantic intellect. 

When attacked by the disease which terminated in death, he was 
aware that a rapid dissolution awaited him. He was fully prepared 
to enter upon the untried scenes of another and a brighter world; he 
could look back upon a life well spent; he had run a noble race, and 
was then ready to finish his course, resign his tabernacle of clay to its 
mother dust, and his immortal soul to Him who gave it. 



83 



OLIVER WOLCOTT. 

The unqualified and unrestrained oppressions emanating from 
crowned heads and exercised with impunity in former times, have 
been shorn of half their terrors by modern light and intelligence. As 
the genial rays of liberty illuminate the minds of the human family, 
thrones will be held by a more slender tenure, and monarchies will 
become more limited if not completely annihilated. In Europe, 
kingly power has been vibrating for the last century, as if shaken by 
an earthquake. The love of freedom has never been extinguished in 
the old world; the same feelings that prompted the pilgrim fathers to 
tempt the dangers of this western hemisphere, still pervade the bosoms 
of millions who are writhing under the goring lash of potent sceptres. 

When our forefathers planted themselves upon the shores of Ame- 
rica many of them appear to have understood clearly the principles of 
a republican government, as appears from the articles of association 
entered into by several and distinct settlements. Among those who 
commenced their superstructure upon the foundation of equal rights, 
the name of Wolcott stands conspicuous. It is closely associated with 
the history of New England for the last two centuries. Henry Wol- 
cott, the patriarch ancestor of this eminent family, was a native of 
England, and settled in Dorchester, Massachusetts, as early as 1630. 
In 1636, he, with several others, founded the town of Windsor, in 
Connecticut, and established a commonwealth, based on republican 
principles, consisting of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield. 

The revised constitution of Connecticut is substantially the same 
as the one penned by Roger Ludlow, and adopted by this infant 
colony; a high compliment to the pilgrim fathers — a proud memorial 
of their virtue and intelligence. 

During the perils of the Indian wars, during the difficulties with 
the Canadian French, and through all the various vicissitudes that 
have pervaded New England down to the present time, the descen- 
dants of Henry Wolcott have acted a conspicuous part in the field 
and in the legislative hall. 

Oliver Wolcott, the subject of this brief sketch, was the youngest 
son of Roger Wolcott, who was appointed governor of Connecticut in 
1751. Oliver was born the 26th of November, 1726, and graduated 
at Yale College at the age of twenty-one years. The same year he 
was commissioned to command a company which he raised and 
marched to the defence of the northern frontier, where he remained 
until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. He then returned, applied him- 
self to the study of medicine, until he was appointed the first sheriff 
of the county of Litchfield, formed in 1751. In 1755 he married 
Laura Collins, an amiable and discreet woman of great merit. In 



g4 OLIVER WOLCOTT. 

1774 he was appointed counsellor, which station he filled for twelve 
succcessive years. He was also chief judge of the common plea court, 
and, for a long time, a judge of the court of probate. As a military 
officer he rose from the grade of captain to that of major-general. In 
the summer of 1776, he commanded the fourteen regiments raised by 
Governor Trumbull to act with the army in New York. He headed 
his brigade at the memorable battle that resulted in the capture of 
Burgoyne and revived the drooping cause of the bleeding colonies. 
He was uniformly consulted on important military movements, and 
was listened to with great confidence and respect. From its com- 
mencement he was a zealous and ardent supporter of the revolution. 

In 1775 he was appointed by congress a commissioner of Indian 
affairs for the northern department, a trust of high importance at that 
time. During the same year his influence was happily exerted in re- 
conciling disputes between the neighbouring colonies relative to their 
respective boundaries. Amiable and persuasive in his manners, aided 
by a sound discretion and a correct sense of justice, he was well cal- 
culated to be a mediator between contending parties. 

In 1776 he took his seat in congress, and remained until he affixed 
his signature to that Declaration which burst the chains of slavery, 
gave birth to a nation in a day, astonished gazing millions, made the 
British king tremble on his throne, and stamped the names of its 
signers with a fame that will endure, unimpaired, through the rolling 
ages of time. 

He then returned and took his station in the field, and on all occa- 
sions proved himself a brave, skilful, and prudent officer. When he 
deemed his services more useful in congress, he occasionally took his 
seat in that body until 1783. 

In 1785 he was associated with Arthur Lee and Richard Butler to 
conclude a peace with the Six Nations. The year following he was 
elected lieutenant-governor, which station he filled for ten years, 
when he was chosen governor, the dignified duties of which station he 
performed until death closed his mortal career on the first of Decem- 
ber, 1797, in the seventy-first year of his age, regretted by all, and 
most by those who knew him best. 

In addition to his numerous public services, always performed with- 
out pomp or noise, his private character shone with peculiar lustre. 
He possessed all the sterling virtues, was a devout and consistent 
christian, an honourable and honest man. 



85 



GEORGE READ. 

When an individual is placed upon the horns of a dilemma, in- 
volving personal liberty, property or safety, his intellectual and phy- 
sical powers are at once roused to action. He does not stop to explore 
the regions of obtuse metaphysics, speculative philosophy, or of 
fastidious etiquette. He flies to first principles, and strains his 
reason and understanding to their utmost tension to aid him. He 
puts forth his mightiest eftbrts, his boldest exertions, and his strongest 
energies, in order to extricate himself from surrounding difficulties 
and impending dangers. In this way he performs astonishing feats, 
and surmounts the cloud capt summit of an Alpine barrier, that, 
under ordinary circumstances, he would never reach. 

The same course is pursued by a nation when placed in a similar 
situation. The history of the American revolution demonstrates, 
most clearly, the position here laid down. The colonists were placed 
upon the piercing points of the horns of an awful dilemma, and were 
apparently doomed to slavery or death: yet by their unparalleled 
efforts, aided by Heaven, they were ultimately delivered from their 
perilous situation, and, although badly gored, survived their wounds. 
This was effected by men of strong intellect, clear heads, good hearts, 
and sound judgments; men who could reason, plan and execute. The 
flowers of literature were not culled for use; plain common sense, 
sterling worth, useful and practical knowledge, honesty of purpose, 
and persevering energy of action, all based upon pure patriotism and 
love of liberty, were the grand requisites to ensure popular favour. 

All these were possessed by George Read, whose public career I 
will briefly trace. He was the eldest son of John Read, a wealthy 
and respectable planter, who emigrated from Dublin, Ireland, and 
located in Cecil county, Maryland, where George Read was born, in 
1~S4. John Read subsequently removed to Newcastle county, 
Delaware,' and placed this son in a respectable school at Chester, 
Pennsylvania, where he made good proficiency in the first rudiments 
of his education. From there he was transferred to the seminary of 
the Rev. Dr. Allison, at New London, who was eminently qualified 
to mould the young mind for usefulness, by imparting correct princi- 
ples, practical knowledge, and general intelligence, fit for every day 
use, combined with refined classics and polite literature. Under this 
accomplished teacher, Mr. Read completed his education, preparatory 
to his professional studies. At the age of seventeen, he commenced 
reading law with John Moland Esq., a distinguished member of the 
Philadelphia bar. His proficiency was so great that in two years he 
was admitted to the practical honours of his profession. He was well 
qualified to enter the field of competition, having taken the entire 



86 GEORGE READ. 

charge of tlie docket of Mr. Moland for some time previous to his 
admission. 

He commenced business in Newcastle, in 1754, and at once grap- 
pled successfully with the old and experienced counsellors around 
him, whose number and talents were neither few nor small. By his 
acuteness in pleading, and thorough knowledge of the primary prin- 
ciples of his profession, he soon gained the esteem of the courts, the 
admiration of his senior brethren, the confidence of the community, and 
obtained a lucrative practice. His forte consisted not in flowery 
show, but in that deep toned and grave forensic eloquence, that in- 
forms the understanding and carries conviction to the mind. He 
seldom appealed to the passions of the court or jury, preferring to 
stand upon the firm basis of the law and testimony, clearly expounded 
and truly exhibited. 

On the 13th of April, 1763, he was appointed attorney -general for 
the three lower counties of Delaware, and continued in that office 
until he was called to the higher duties of legislation. The same 
year he led to the hymeneal altar, an amiable, pious, and accom- 
plished daughter of the Rev. George Ross, of Newcastle: thus adding 
largely to the stake he held in the welfare of his country, enhancing 
his earthly joys, and giving him an influence and rank in society 
never acquired by lonely bachelors. She fully supplied the vacuum 
abhorred by nature, and proved a valuable partner of his toils and 
perils, his pains and pleasures, through subsequent life. 

Mr. Read was a republican to the core, and from the commence- 
ment to the close of the revolution, was a bold and unyielding advo- 
cate of equal rights and liberal principles. When the question of 
rights and wrongs became a subject of investigation between the two 
countries, he resigned the commission of attorney-general held under 
the crown, that he might enter the arena of discussion free and un- 
shackled. In 1765 he was elected a member of the Assembly of the 
state of Delaware, and was instrumental in laying deep the founda- 
tions of the superstructure of liberty. He was prudent, calm, and 
discreet in all his actions; but firm, bold and resolute. He was a 
member of the Committee of the Delaware Assembly that so ably ad- 
dressed the king upon the subject of grievances and redress. He 
was in favour of exhausting the magazine of petition and remon- 
strance, and if to no purpose, then to replenish with powder and ball. 
He did not, nor did any of the signers of the declaration, at the com- 
mencement of British oppression, contemplate a dissolution of the 
ties that bound the colonies to the mother country. But he under- 
stood well the rights secured to them by magna charta and the 
constitution of Great Britain; and he knew that those rights were 
trampled upon by the hirelings of the crown. To vindicate them he 
was firmly resolved. He opposed the principle of taxation without 
representation, and of raising a revenue in America to pamper royalty 
in England. He knew and weighed well the superior physical powers 
of his opposers; but he believed the majesty of eternal justice and 
the kind aid of Heaven, would sustain the patriots in their glorious 
cause. Nor did he reckon in vain. His written appeal to his con- 



GEORGE READ. g7 

stituents of the 17th of August, 1769, calling upon them to resist the 
encroachments of tyranny, was couched in bold and forcible lan- 
guage, portraying, in colours deep and strong, their rights and their 
wrongs, making the path of duty plain before them. 

He sanctioned the various non-importation resolutions, passed by his 
own and other colonies; the first prominent mode adopted to thwart the 
designs and impositions of the British ministry after finding that 
petitions and remonstrances were treated with contumely. He was 
chairman of the committee of the Delaware patriots, appointed for the 
purpose of carrying these resolutions into effect. He was also chair- 
man of the committee of twelve, appointed by the people of New- 
castle, on the 29th of June, 1774, to obtain subscriptions for the 
Boston sufferers, who were writhing under the lash of the infamous 
port bill, passed by parliament, for the purpose of properly chastising 
the refractory inhabitants of that patriotic city. In February follow- 
ing, he remitted to the Boston committee, nine hundred dollars, 
money received from his constituents, which was eloquently acknow- 
ledged by Samuel Adams, who was one of his faithful correspondents. 

Mr. Read was a member of the congress of 1774, and retained that 
elevated station during the revolution. He was also president of the 
convention that formed the first constitution of Delaware in 1776, and 
a member of her assembly constantly for twelve successive years, 
after his first election. A part of this time he was also vice president 
of his state, and in the autumn of 1777, when president M'Kinley fell 
into the hands of the enemy, Mr. Read was called from congress to 
perform the more arduous, because undivided duties of a chief ma- 
gistrate. On his way home with his family, he was compelled to pass 
through Jersey, and in crossing the Delaware from Salem, his boat 
was discovered by the British fleet then lying just below. An armed 
barge was sent in pursuit. Mr. Read's boat stuck fast in the mud, 
and was soon come up to. By effacing the marks upon his baggage 
during a few brief moments before he was boarded, and having with 
him his wife and children, he convinced those from the fleet that he 
was a country gentleman on his way to his farm, and solicited their 
assistance to put him and his family on shore. They promptly af- 
forded their aid, took his boat out of the mud, and landed him and 
his precious charge safely on the Delaware side of the river. The per- 
fect calmness of himself and lady, and their open frankness, saved 
them from the horrors of a prison ship, and probably him from an ex- 
hibition upon the yard arm of a man-of-war. 

His duties now assumed an onerous character. Internal dissen- 
tions among his own people were to be reconciled; an intercourse by 
many of the inhabitants with the British fleet was to be broken up; 
ways and means for his own and the general government claimed his 
attention; his mind was burdened by an extreme anxiety to procure 
the exchange of the president; and a conquering foe was triumphing 
in victory in almost every direction. In the midst of all these perils, 
he stood firmly at the helm and rode out every storm. He proved 
equal to every emergency, and added new lustre to his growing fame. 
When the Declaration of Independence was under discussion, he be- 



gg THOMAS HEY WARD. 

lieved the measure premature; but when it was adopted, he most 
cheerfully enrolled his name with his colleagues. In 1779 ill health 
compelled him to withdraw from public life for a year, when he again 
resumed his legislative duties. In 1782 he was appointed by congress 
a judge of appeals in the court of admiralty. In 1785 he was one of 
the commissioners to settle the boundary line between New York and 
Massachusetts. The next year he was a delegate of the convention of 
the states, convened at Annapolis, for the purpose of regulating the 
commerce of the union. In 1787 he was one of that talented conven- 
tion that framed the federal constitution. He was a United States 
senator of the first congress under that constitution, and served six 
years. He was also chief justice of Delaware from 1793 to the time 
of his death. In the performance of all these responsible and multi- 
form duties, he acquitted himself nobly, and did honour to his charac- 
ter, his country, and the cause of rational liberty. As a civilian, a 
statesman, a magistrate, a patriot, a philanthropist, a gentleman, a 
husband, a father, a private citizen, and a public benefactor, George 
Read was a model worthy of imitation. He was scrupulously honest 
and rigidly just. When he arrived at his majority, he assigned his 
portion of the paternal estate to his brothers, deeming the expenses of 
his education equivalent to his equitable share. He was opposed to 
chaos in the smallest concerns of life, and abhorred vice of every kind. 
He enjoyed good health in his old age, until the autumn of 1798, when, 
after a sudden and short illness, he closed his eyes on terrestrial 
scenes, and resigned his spirit into the hands of the wise Disposer of 
all events. 

The person of Mr. Read was above the middle size, well formed, 
with a commanding and agreeable deportment. He was a talented, 
virtuous, and amiable man. 



THOMAS HEYWARD. 

To understand, and estimate correctly, the magnitude and de- 
sign of his creation, man must become familiar with the thousand 
springs and qualities of the undying spirit within him. The laby- 
rinthian mazes of the immortal mind must be explored, and traced 
from earth to native Heaven. The depths of human nature must be 
sounded, and its channels clearly marked. 

Upon the axis of reason, revolving thought performs its endless 
circuit with mathematical precision, guided by the centripetal force 
of a sound judgment, or it is projected from its proper orbit by the 
centrifugal momentum of random folly into the regions of senseless 
vacuity, or of wild and visionary sophistry. Its ceaseless motion is 
as perpetual as the purple stream of our arteries; its rapid flight is 
bounded only by eternity. It travels through space with more cele- 



THOMAS HEYWARD. gg 

rity than lightning; its earthly career can be arrested only by the hand 
of death. 

To reflect, to investigate, to reason, and to analyze, is the province 
of our intellectual functions. To comprehend the grand and harmo- 
nious organic structure of nature, the wisdom of the great Architect 
of universal worlds, and the relation man bears to man, is to learn that 
human beings are endowed with equal and inherent rights, and that 
they are in duty bound to maintain them. Justice marks out the 
golden path, reason leads the way, and patriotism impels to action. 

The man whose mind is cast in the mould of wisdom by the mighty 
hand of his Creator, if he brings into proper exercise the combined 
powers of intellectual and physical force, can never be made a willing 
slave. As his soul is expanded by the genial rays of intelligence, he 
duly appreciates his native dignity, becomes enraptured with the glo- 
ries of liberty, and resolves to be free. If he is groaning under the 
oppressions of tyranny and wears the galling chains of servility, as 
light shines upon him he will be roused to a mighty effort to burst the 
ignominious thongs that bind him, assert his inalienable rights, and 
assume his legitimate station in the scale of being. 

Thus acted the patriots of the American revolution — thus acted 
Thomas Heyward, the subject of this brief sketch. He was the eldest 
son of Col. Daniel Heyward, a wealthy and highly respected planter, 
and was born in the parish of St. Luke, South Carolina, in 1746. His 
opportunities for obtaining a liberal education were freely afforded by 
his father, and were faithfully improved by the son. He became 
ardently attached to the Greek and Roman classics, and dwelt with 
rapture upon the history of republican freedom. The principles of 
rational liberty became deeply rooted in his mind at an early age, and 
when manhood dawned upon him they were thoroughly matured. 

After completing his elemental education he commenced the study 
of law with Mr. Parsons, who stood high as a member of the bar. 
The proficiency of Mr. Heyward in that intricate science was credit- 
able to himself and gratifying to his numerous friends. He possessed 
an investigating and analyzing mind, and never passed over a subject 
superficially. He was a close student, and explored the opening 
fields of civil and common law with a zeal and rapidity seldom known. 
When he became familiar with the principles laid down by Sir Wil- 
liam Blackstone, and understood fully the rights secured to persons 
and property by Magna Charta and the British constitution, and com- 
pared them with the iron rod of restrictions held over the colonists by 
the mother country, he was roused to a just indignation. 

After having completed his course with Mr. Parsons, he repaired 
to England, and entered the middle temple, where he became a finish- 
ed lawyer and an accomplished gentleman. Although amply sup- 
plied with money, he was not led astray by the allurements of fasci- 
nating pleasures, that first flatter and please, then ruin and destroy. 
To enrich his mind with science and useful knowledge, was the ulti- 
matum of his soul. 

He mingled with what was termed refined society in London, which 
formed a striking contrast with the republican simplicity of that of 
12 



90 THOMAS HEYWARD. 

the same grade in his own country. The fastidious hauteur of Eng- 
lish etiquette was far from being congenial to his mind, and did not 
accord with his ideas of social life. He there met claims of superior- 
ity over native Americans that he knew were based alone upon pride 
and ignorance. His feelings were often wounded by indignities cast 
upon the colonial character. All these things combined to rivet his 
affections more strongly upon the land of his birth. They operated 
as fuel for the livid flame of patriotism, already glowing in his bosom. 
The pomp of royalty and the splendour of kingly courts had no 
charms for him. The awful distance between the haughty prince 
and the honest peasant, the towering throne and the worthy yeoman- 
ry, operated upon his mind like a talisman, and gave his soul a new 
impetus towards the goal of equal rights. The more he saw of prac- 
tical monarchy, often the automaton of corrupt and corrupting advi- 
sers, the more he became opposed to its potent sway. 

After closing his course in the law temple, he made the tour of Eu- 
rope, and then returned to the warm embrace of his relatives and 
friends, richly laden with the treasures of classic science and useful 
knowledge. He had become familiar with the theories of European 
governments, and had seen their principles practically demonstrated. 
He understood well the feelings and policy of the mother country re- 
lative to her American colonies. He had witnessed her political arti- 
ficers at the forge of despotism, preparing chains for his beloved coun- 
try. He had seen her coffers yawning wide, to receive the ill gotten 
treasures, wrested from his fellow citizens by hireling tax gatherers, 
in violation of chartered rights, legal justice, and the claims of mercy. 
His own estate had been laid under contribution to swell the unholy 
fund. His neighbours around him were groaning under the lash of 
British oppression. To enlighten their minds, and make them under- 
stand fully their danger, their interest, and their duty, became the 
business of this zealous patriot. Possessed of a bold and fearless 
mind, directed by a clear head, an honest heart, a sound judgment, 
and a rich fund of useful intelligence, his exertions were crowned 
with glorious success. His salutary influence was extensively felt — 
his sterling worth was duly appreciated. He was a member of the 
first assembly of South Carolina that set British power at defiance, 
and was also a member of the council of safety. He discharged his 
duties with firmness, prudence, and zeal. No fugitive fear disturbed 
his mind, no threatened vengeance moved his purposes. His eyes 
were fixed on the temple of freedom, his soul was insulated by the 
fluid of patriotism, his heart was resolved on liberty or death. His 
life, his property, and his sacred honour, were pledged in the noble 
cause. He was elected to the Continental Congress in 1775, but at 
first declined serving, in consequence of his young age. A large de- 
legation of citizens subsequently waited upon him, and, at their 
urgent request, he took his seat in that august assembly of sages 
in 1776, and became a warm advocate for that memorable instrument, 
that proclaimed the birth of our nation to an astonished world, and 
shed fresh lustre on the intellect of man. His voice and his signature 



THOMAS HEYWARD. 91 

sanctioned its adoption — his conscience, his country, and his God, 
approved the act. 

In two years after he was called to perform more painful duties. 
He was appointed a judge of the civil and criminal courts of his na- 
tive state, under the new order of things. Several persons were ar- 
raigned before him, charged with a treasonable correspondence with 
the enemy — they were found guilty, and condemned to be hung in 
sight of the British lines at Charleston. With feelings of humanity, 
but with the lirmness of a Roman, he performed his duty, and pro- 
nounced upon them the penalty of the law. 

Judge Heyward also participated in the military perils of "the 
times that tried men's souls." He commanded a company of artillery 
at the battle of Beaufort, and was severely wounded. At the attack 
upon Savannah he was also actively engaged. At the siege of 
Charleston he commanded a battalion, and was one of the unfortunate 
prisoners who were transferred to St. Augustine. During his absence 
his property was pillaged, and his amiable and accomplished wife, 
the daughter of Mr. Matthews, whom he had married in 1773, was 
laid in the grave. The tidings of these heart-rending afflictions did 
not reach him until he was exchanged and returned to Philadelphia. 
With the calm and dignified fortitude of a christian, a philosopher, 
and a hero, he met the shafts of afflictive fate. He mourned deeply, 
but submissively, the premature exit of the companion of his bosom. 
His physical sufferings and loss of property he freely offered at the 
altar of liberty, without a murmur or a sigh. 

He again resumed his judicial duties upon the bench, and dis- 
charged them ably and faithfully until 1798. He was an influential 
member of the convention that framed the Constitution of South Ca- 
rolina in 1790. Old age and infirmity finally admonished him that 
his mission on earth was fast drawing to a close, and he retired from 
the public arena, covered with epic and civic honours, lasting as the 
pages of history. In the full fruition of a nation's gratitude, and of a 
nation's freedom he spent his last years, and in March, 1809, went 
to his final rest, leaving his second wife, Miss E. Savage, and his chil- 
dren, to mourn the loss of a kind husband and tender father; and his 
country to regret the loss of a devoted patriot, an able judge, and an 
honest man. 



92 



ROBERT MORRIS. 

Men, whose motives inducing them to action are free from self, 
aiming exclusively at public good, are like angels' visits, few and far 
between. Perhaps no era recorded on the pages of ancient or modern 
history, presents as many examples of disinterested patriotism as that 
of the American revolution. The sages who conceived, planned, and 
consummated the declaration of our independence, pledged their 

LIVES, THEIR FORTUNES, AND THEIR SACRED HONOURS, to carry Out the 

principles promulgated by that sacred instrument. Never did men 
perform their vows more faithfully; never did men redeem their pledges 
more nobly. Many of them not only placed all their available means 
in the public treasury, but extended their private credit to its utmost 
tension, to obtain supplies for the infant Republic, then bursting from 
embryo. — No one rendered more efficient pecuniary aid in the ad- 
vancement of the cause of equal rights and American liberty than 
Robert Morris. He was an Englishman by birth, born at Liverpool, 
Lancashire, England, on the 20th day of January, 1734. His father 
was a respectable merchant, and immigrated to this country in 1746, 
and settled at Oxford, on the eastern shore of Maryland. He then sent 
for his son, whom he had left behind, who arrived when he was thirteen 
years of age. He received a good commercial education, but not clas- 
sical. 

At the age of fifteen, he was deprived of his father by death. He 
had previously entered the counting house of Charles Willing, then 
one of the most thorough and enterprising merchants of the city of 
Philadelphia. After having acquired a knowledge of commercial 
concerns, Mr. Willing established him in business, and remained his 
constant friend and adviser. For several years he prospered alone, 
but finding the cares of time pressing upon him, he concluded to take 
a partner, to aid him in the journey of life. That partner was the 
amiable and accomplished Mary, daughter of Col. White, and sister 
to the late venerable and learned Bishop White of Philadelphia. She 
possessed every quality calculated to adorn her sex and render con- 
nubial felicity complete; and withal, was rich — a desideratum with 
some, but a miserable substitute for genuine esteem, sincere affection 
and true friendship. No man or woman, with a clear head, a good 
heart, and sound discretion ever married for the sake of riches alone. 
"Can gold buy Friendship? Impudence of hope! 
As well mere man an angel might beget.'' 

Fortunately for Mr. Morris and his partner, their highest treasure 
was mutual affection, flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred 
hearts, anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other, and 
the felicity of all around them. 

Nothing occurred to mar their prosperity until the revolutionary 
storm burst upon the colonies. Had self interest been consulted so 
far as pecuniary matters were concerned, Mr. Morris would have 
adhered to the crown. His interests, in point of property, were en- 
tirely commercial: and, in case of an opposition by him to the mother 



ROBERT MORRIS. 93 

country, his wealth was very much exposed. But he had inhaled the 
atmosphere of freedom; his soul was fired with patriotism; he resolved 
to pledge his all in the cause of liberty. His influence was extensive; 
he was a cool, reflecting and high minded man, and arrived at con- 
clusions only from mature deliberation. This being his character, his 
examples had great weight. 

He was elected a member of the congress of 1774, and took a 
decided stand against British oppression. Being an able financier, 
he was looked up to as the most efficient manager of monetary matters, 
and, so far as providing ways and means were concerned, he was 
authorized to act. Most nobly did he acquit himself in the perform- 
ance of this important trust. As no office of finance was then created, 
unfortunately for his country, he could not control the disbursements, 
but continued to provide money, often from his own resources. When 
Congress adjourned from Philadelphia to Baltimore on the approach 
of the conquering British army in 1776, after the declaration of in- 
dependence, then called by many the death warrant of the signers, 
Robert Morris, who had affixed his name to that bold instrument, 
remained at the^ former city sometime after his colleagues left, periling 
his personal safety in order to make arrangements to raise funds for 
the prosecution of the glorious cause he had espoused. During his 
stay, it became necessary that congress should raise a specific sum 
in specie for the use of the American army. Information was im- 
mediately communicated to Mr. Morris of the imperious wants of the 
commander-in-chief. Not a solitary dollar was in the government 
treasury. In a few hours after he received the intelligence, he met 
a member of the society of Friends whose confidence he possessed, 
who enquired of him "what news?" "The news is," replied Mr. 

Morris, "that I am in immediate want of dollars of hard money, 

and that you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be 
my note of hand and my honour." The reply was as laconic as the 
appeal : "Robert thou shalt have it." The money was promptly 
forwarded to the commander-in-chief and placed at his disposal, and 
enabled Washington to meet the enemy at Trenton with signal success. 

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his 
duties, and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction 
of secrecy, who, at the time, had the credit of affording relief on their 
own account. One instance will suffice for an example. 

When General Green took the command of the troops in South 
Carolina, their destitute situation was deplorable. They were only 
partially covered with tattered garments; their food was of the 
coarsest kind, and but a scanty supply of that; their quantity of am- 
munition was small, and nothing but certain destruction seemed to 
hover around them. At that alarming crisis, Mr. Hall, of that state, 
advanced the necessary funds to supply the immediate wants of the 
army, and enable General Green to commence vigorous operations. 

After the war had closed, and an account of the disbursements was 
exhibited, it was found that Mr. Hall had acted under the direction 
of Robert Morris, who had furnished the needful at the very time it. 
was necessary to save the southern army from dissolution. General 
Green, on being made acquainted with the fact on his final settlement 



94 ROBERT MORRIS. 

at the office of finance, was at first displeased with the measure, but 
upon reflection, greatly applauded and admired the wisdom of this 
secrecy, "because," said he, "if I had known that I might have drawn 
upon Robert Morris, I should have demanded larger sums, and effected 
no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my hands." 
The advances of Mr. Morris to the southern army were near accom- 
plishing his pecuniary ruin. 

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he 
found one resource after another exhausted; the American troops 
writhing under the keenest privations; the credit of the infant Republic 
paralyzed, and her treasury drained of the last dollar, had his mind 
been cast in an ordinary mould, he must have fainted by the way. 
But amidst the embarrassments that surrounded him, he stood calm 
and undismayed upon the firm basis of his own resources. When he 
found that they were becoming crippled, he submitted to congress 
the plan of chartering the Bank of North America, which, after much 
discussion, was approved and adopted on the 7th of January, 1782. 

The year preceding, the office of finance had been established, and 
Mr. Morris appointed financier. Previous to that, it appears he had 
not, at any time, been the disbursing agent of the public monies; and 
that no system had been adopted by Congress that gave any one in- 
dividual the control, under them, of this important department. The 
consequence was, that the monies raised for the supplies of the army 
often fell into the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached 
their pristine destination. 

After Mr. Morris was placed in authority over this vital branch of 
government, he reduced the expenditures for military operations from 
eighteen millions of dollars a year, to about five millions; and thus 
enabled the continental congress to prosecute the war successfully, 
when, without this retrenchment, its means would have been in- 
adequate to meet the increasing demands, and the cause of liberty, 
to all human appearance, must have been abandoned. Like a Roman 
Curtius, he pledged his own fortune to save his country, and disen- 
thral her from the chains of tyranny. To demonstrate this, I will 
mention one of the many instances of supplies being obtained upon his 
private credit. 

When the expedition was planned by Washington against Corn- 
wallis at Yorktown, the government treasury was empty, and her 
credit shivering in the wind. The army was in a destitute situation: 
the means of prosecuting a siege were to be provided, and Mr. Morris 
informed the commander-in-chief that unless he arrived at the conclu- 
sion that the necessary supplies could be raised on his (Mr. Morris,) 
credit, the expedition must fail. Washington expressed his entire 
confidence in the ability of the financier, and immediately took up the 
line of march. 

In the short space of four weeks, Mr. Morris, aided by the pa- 
triotic Richard Peters, furnished near eighty pieces of battering can- 
non and one hundred pieces of field artillery, and all other necessary 
supplies not furnished from other sources, and became personally re- 
sponsible to the amount of one million four hundred thousand dol- 
lars, upon his own notes, which were promptly paid at maturity 



ROBERT MORRIS. 95 

This, united with aid from Virginia and some of the other states, en- 
abled the American army to give the finishing stroke to the revolu- 
tion, and triumph, in victory complete, over a proud and merciless foe. 

Under cover of the firm of Willing, Morris & Co., of which our 
financier was a partner, many important and advantageous trans- 
actions were made for government, but ostensibly, at the time, for 
the firm. Being accomplished in this manner, a great saving was 
secured for the public, in the profits of which the firm did not parti- 
cipate one dollar, as was conclusively shown by an investigation in- 
stituted by Mr. Laurens, in Congress, at the instance of Mr. Morris, 
in order to repel the base slanders that were circulated against this 
pure and honest patriot. All the accusations that have been brought 
against Robert Morris, before and since his death, charging him with 
peculation or speculation in government funds, or of any improper 
conduct towards his country as a public agent, I pronounce to be 
basely false; they have no foundation in truth or in fact. Judging 
from the numerous documents that I have carefully examined, Robert 
Morris was not only one of the most disinterested patriots of the Ame- 
rican revolution, but was one of the most substantial instruments in 
consummating that glorious enterprise. He was so considered by the 
illustrious Washington, the Continental Congress, and by all those 
who were correctly informed of his proceedings. Even general 
Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose biographer, long- 
after the sage and the hero had mouldered beneath the clods of the 
valley, published a tirade of a'use against Mr. Morris that has sunk 
Judge Johnson so far below the true dignity of an impartial writer, as 
to render the efforts of his envy abortive, and of his malice, powerless. 
His extracts from public documents are garbled, his conclusions are 
based upon false premises, his innuendoes are ungenerous — his attack 
is gratuitous and uncalled for, and has justly recoiled upon the proud 
escutcheon of his own fame. The shafts of slander can never indent 
the fair reputation of Robert Morris, although hurled like thunderbolts 
from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring 
records of our nation his actions stand in bold relievo, bright as the 
moon, clear as the sun, and as withering to the opposition of his ene- 
mies as the burning sands of Sahara. His honest fame will endure, 
unimpaired, the revolutions of time. 

From the day he assumed the high charge of superintendent of 
finance, his duties were onerous and multifarious. It was some time 
after the strong solicitations of Congress were urged upon him before 
he consented to undertake the delicate and difficult task of ma- 
naging this department, to which he was elected on the 20th of 
February, 1781, a dark and dismal period of the revolution. A 
deep sense of public duty finally induced him to undertake the 
gigantic work, and in a masterly manner did he execute it. He 
immediately instituted an examination of the public debts, revenue, 
and expenditures: he reduced to an economical system the mode 
of regulating the finances, and of disbursing the public funds: he 
executed the plans of Congress relating to all monetary matters.: 
he superintended the action of all persons employed in obtaining and 
distributing supplies for the army: he attended to the collection of all 



9g ROBERT MORRIS. 

monies due to the United States, either by loans from Europe, front 
the states, or otherwise; he held a supervision over all the contractors 
for military supplies; he provided for the civil list; he corresponded 
with the executive of each state, and with the ministers of the United 
States, then in Europe for the purpose of obtaining aid, urging upon 
them the necessity of raising money, and necessarily transacted much 
business with every department of the government. At the same time 
he was an active member of the legislature of Pennsylvania. The 
effects of his powerful financial mind soon invigorated the desponding 
cause of liberty. Through the agency of the bank of North America, 
united with his personal responsibility, he improved the national cre- 
dit, and introduced a rigid economy through all the avenues of public 
operations. He found himself in an Augean stable, but was the Her- 
cules that could effectually cleanse it. Corrupt agents and corrupt- 
ing speculators lied before his searching scrutiny, hissing like serpents 
retiring to their dens. 

In all things he acquitted himself nobly, and stood approved by 
Congress, by his country, his conscience and his God. It is a lasting 
eulogium upon his name, that he reduced all his transactions to so 
perfect a system, committing them all to writing, that he was able to 
produce a satisfactory voucher for each and every public act during 
his whole career — a circumstance worthy of remark and of imitation. 
System is the helm, ballast, and mainmast of business. 

At the final close of the war, Mr. Morris, fatigued in mind and 
body, tendered his resignation, which was not accepted by Congress 
until November, 1784. A large amount of his own notes, given on 
account of supplies for the government, were then out. To impart 
confidence to those who held them, he issued a circular, pledging him- 
self to meet them all at maturity, which pledge he faithfully redeem- 
ed. At the time of his resignation, he placed himself in the crucible 
of an examining committee appointed by Congress, before whom he 
exhibited a perfect map of all his public acts. After the investiga- 
tion closed, the report of the committee placed him on a lofty emi- 
nence, as an able financier and an honest man. 

He was solicited by President Washington to accept of the appoint- 
ment of secretary of the treasury, which he respectfully declined. 

Mr. Morris was a member of the convention that framed the fede- 
ral constitution, and was elected to the first national senate that con- 
vened after its adoption. He seldom entered into debate, but when 
he did, he was truly eloquent, chaste, and logical. He was always 
heard with great attention, and exercised a powerful influence in the 
legislative body. His speech in the Pennsylvania legislature against 
the continental currency, was a specimen of eloquence and conclusive 
reasoning, seldom surpassed. He also wrote with great facility and 
strength of language. Although not a classical scholar, he possessed 
an inexhaustible store of useful and practical information, derived 
from the richest sources, and applicable to all the public and private 
relations of life. 

When the peace of 1783 proclaimed his country free from further 
invasion, Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial specula- 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 97 

tions. In 1784 he sent a ship to Canton, which was the first that dis- 
played the star spangled banner in that port. He was also the first 
who attempted the "out of season" passage to China, by doubling the 
south cape of New Holland, and astonished the English navigators by 
the arrival of his ship at a season of the year before deemed im- 
practicable. He was the first man who introduced hot and ice houses 
in this country. He was a friend to every kind of improvement, and 
did all in his power to promote the interests of his fellow men and of 
his country. After spending a long life in managing, most skilfully, 
millions upon millions of capital, he at last split upon the fatal rock 
of land speculation, and closed his eventful career in poverty, on the 
8th of May, 1806, at the city of Philadelphia, sincerely mourned by 
his country and deeply regretted by his numerous and devoted friends. 
He had long been afflicted with the asthma, and suffered much during 
the last years of his useful life. He met the grim messenger of death 
with fortitude and resignation, and bid a final adieu to earth and its 
toils, without a murmur or a sigh. 

The private character of this public benefactor was, in all respects, 
amiable, pure, and consistent. He was a large man, with an open, 
frank, and pleasing countenance, gentlemanly in his manners, and 
agreeable in all his associations. He was most highly esteemed by 
those who knew him best. Although no proud monument of marble is 
reared over his ashes, his name is deeply engraved upon the tablet of 
enduring fame, and will be revered by every true American and pa- 
triot until the historic page shall cease to be read, and civilization 
shall be lost in chaos. 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 

The man who places his confidence in the Supreme Ruler of re- 
volving worlds, leans upon a sure support, that earth can neither 
give nor take away. When we can appeal to Heaven with clean 
hands for aid in our undertakings, faith bids us fear no danger. 
A large portion of the patriots of the revolution were pious menj 
and I am not apprised that one among them, who became con- 
spicuous, was a disbeliever in an overruling Providence. Several ot 
them were devoted ministers of the Gospel, among whom was 
John Witherspoon, a native of the parish of Yester, near Edin- 
burgh, Scotland, born on the 5th of February, 1722. He was a 
lineal descendant of the celebrated John Knox, the heroic reformer 
of Scotland. The father of John Witherspoon was the minister of 
the above named parish, and was instrumental in moulding the mind 
of his son in the paths of wisdom, virtue and science. He placed 
him at an early age in the Haddington school, where his young mind 
unfolded its rich beauties, with all the fragrance of a spring dower. 
He soared above the trifles and allurements that too often lead child- 
13 



98 JOHN WITHERSPOON. 

hood and youth astray, and made his studies his chief delight. He 
manifested a maturity of judgment, a clearness of conception, and a 
depth of thought rarely exhibited in juvenile life. At the age of 
fourteen years he entered the university of Edinburgh, where he 
fully sustained the high anticipations of his friends, and gained the 
esteem and admiration of his fellow students and the professors. His 
acquirements in the theological department were of a superior order. 
At the age of twenty-one, he passed the ordeal of his final exami- 
nation, and received a license to proclaim to the world the glad tidings 
of the everlasting Gospel. 

He immediately became the assistant of his revered father, and 
gained the*aff'ection and confidence of his parishioners, and the admi- 
ration of all who heard him and delighted in plain practical piety. 

In 1746, on the 17th of January, he was a "looker on in Venice" 
at the battle of Falkirk, and was seized by the victorious rebels, with 
many others whose curiosity had led them to the scene of action, and 
imprisoned in the castle of Doune. After he was released from this 
confinement, he resided a few years at Beith, and subsequently at 
Paisly, rendering himself highly useful as a faithful and exemplary 
preacher. During his residence at the latter place, he received 
urgent calls from the people of Dublin, Rotterdam and Dundee, in 
Europe; and an invitation to accept of the presidential chair of the 
college of New Jersey, in America, to which, at the suggestion of 
Richard Stockton, then in London, he was elected on the 19th of 
November, 1766. A general demurrer was entered against his 
acceptance by his numerous relations and friends, with whom his 
wife at first participated. The delights of his native home and the 
horrors of the American wilderness, were held up before him in fear- 
ful contrast. A bachelor relation of his, who was very wealthy, 
offered to will to him his large fortune if he would decline the solici- 
tation of the trustees of the college. For more than a year he 
refused to accept of the invitation. During that time, his lady 
caught what was called "the missionary fever," and not only freely 
consented to embark for the new world, but exerted herself to re- 
move every impeding obstacle. On the 9th of December of the fol- 
lowing year, Mr. Stockton had the pleasure of communicating to the 
board of trustees the acceptance of Dr. Witherspoon, which was 
most joyfully received. 

He arrived with his family in the early part of the ensuing August, 
and on the 17th of that month was inaugurated at Princeton. His 
literary fame, which had been previously spread through the colonies, 
gained an immediate accession of students to the institution, and 
gave a new impetus to its action, although it had been ably con- 
ducted by his worthy predecessors. The high reputation of the new 
president gave him an extensive influence, of which he prudently 
availed himself to resuscitate and replenish the empty treasury of 
the college by obtaining donations from private and public sources. 
He also introduced the most thorough and harmonious system through- 
out all its departments, and fully answered the most sanguine anticipa- 
tions of his wannest friends. His mode of instruction was calculated 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 99 

to expand the ideas of his students, and launch them upon the sea of 
reflection and investigation. He dispelled the dogmatical and bewilder- 
ing clouds of metaphysical fatality and contingency, and of unmeaning 
and abstruse physiology, that hung like an incubus over the old 
schools. He illumined their understandings with the rays of scien- 
tific truth, founded upon enlightened philosophy, sound reason, plain 
common sense, and liberal principles. He taught his pupils to ex- 
plore the labyrinthian mazes of human nature, and the revolving 
circuit of their own immortal minds. He raised before them the 
curtain of the material, moral, physical and intellectual world; and 
delineated, by lucid demonstration, their harmonious connection and 
unity, perfected by the grand architect of this mighty machinery made 
for man. He pointed out to them the duties they owed to themselves, 
their fellow men, their country, and their God. He imbued their 
souls with charity, the golden chain that reaches from earth to Hea- 
ven: He taught them how to live and be useful, and how to throw oft* 
their mortal coil, when called to "that country from whose bourne no 
traveller returns." His instructions were luminous and enriching; 
his precepts were fertilizing to every mind on which they fell, capa- 
ble of receiving an impression. 

On the flood tide of a high and merited literary and theological 
fame, Dr. Witherspoon floated peacefully along, until the revolu- 
tionary storm drove him from his citadel of classics and the pulpit 
of his church to a different sphere of action. Before he immigrated 
to America he understood well the relations between the mother 
country and the colonies. He was master of civilian philosophy, 
international law, monarchial policy, and the principles of rational 
freedom. The enrapturing beauties of liberty, and the hideous de- 
formities of tyranny, passed in review before his gigantic mind. In 
the designs of creative wisdom he saw the equal rights of man and 
determined to vindicate them. He at once took a bold stand in 
favour of his adopted country. With an eagle's flight he mounted 
the pinnacle of political fame; with a statesman's eye he calmly sur- 
veyed the mighty work to be performed by Columbia's sons. The 
plan of political regeneration and independence stood approved by 
Heaven, and he resolved to lend his aid in the glorious cause. Most 
nobly did he perform his part. 

From the commencement of the revolution he was a member of 
various committees and conventions formed for the purpose of seek- 
ing redress from the king, by peaceable means if possible, by forcible 
means if it became necessary. He was a member of the Convention 
of New Jersey that formed its republican constitution of 1776. On 
the 20th of June of the same year, he was elected to the Continental 
Congress, and advocated, by his powerful and eloquent reasoning, 
the declaration of our rights, to which he affixed his name, appealing 
to his God for the approval of the act, and to the world for the justice 
of the cause he espoused. He was continued a member of that au- 
gust body until 1782, with the exception of one year, and contributed 
largely in shedding lustre over its deliberations. With a mind 
and intelligence able to grasp, comprehend, and expound the whole 



100 J0HN WITHERSPOON. 

minutiae of legislation and government, he combined a patriotic de- 
votion and holy zeal for the interests of his bleeding country. His 
labours were incessant, his industry was untiring, his perseverance 
was unyielding, and his patriotism was as pure as the crystal fountain 
or pellucid stream. 

During the time he served in the legislative halls, he did not ne- 
glect the higher honours of the vineyard of his Lord and Master. 
He was often at the family altar, in the closet and in the pulpit; and 
was esteemed as one of the most able, eloquent, and profound 
preachers of that eventful period. He was one of the brightest orna- 
ments of the religion of Christ, and one of the strongest advocates of 
the cause of liberty. As a speaker, he was listened to with deep 
interest; as a logical and systematic debater he had few equals. 
His arguments were aposteriori, apriori and afortiori; leading the 
mind from effect to cause, from cause to effect, and deducing the 
stronger reasons. His memory was remarkably retentive, his judg- 
ment acute, and his perceptions clear. He was a member of the 
secret committee of Congress, the duties of which were arduous and 
delicate. He was a member of the committee appointed to co- 
operate with general Washington in replenishing and regulating the 
army; of the committee of finance, and of various other and important 
committees. Several eloquent appeals to the people from Congress 
recommending special days to be set apart for public fasting and 
prayer, were from his nervous and vigorous pen. The melting and 
burning manifesto, protesting against the inhuman and barbarous 
treatment of the American prisoners confined on board the filthy 
prison ships at New York, was supposed to have been written by 
him. From his mode of reflecting and reasoning, Dr. Witherspoon 
was prophetic in pointing out the. results of propositions laid before 
Congress, and opposed all those that he believed would terminate 
unfavourably. Against the emission of continental paper money he 
strongly remonstrated. His predictions of its depreciation were soon 
verified. In March, 1778, one dollar and three quarters of paper 
money were worth but one silver dollar; one year from that time the 
rate was two for one; in five months after it was eighteen for one; 
the next year it was forty for one; shortly after, seventy-five for 
one; and in a few more months, one hundred and fifty for one; and 
finally became worthless. 

Most of the measures he proposed when he commenced his career 
in Congress were either then or subsequently adopted with success, 
and those that he opposed unsuccessfully, terminated unfortunately 
in almost every instance. So closely and deeply did he investigate 
and probe every subject that came before him, that his powers of 
penetration became proverbial. 

Whether in the halls of classic literature, the ecclesiastical courts, 
or upon the floor of Congress, he was a shining light to those around 
him. His literary, political, and theological writings was numerous, 
of a high order, and are justly celebrated in Europe as well as in this 
country. They exhibit a pleasing and rich variety of thought; a strong 
and brilliant imagination; a luminous and flowing fancy; a keen and 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 101 

sarcastic witj a chaste and fascinating style: broad and liberal views; 
philosophic and reasonable propositions: clear and convincing conclu- 
sions: all softened and embalmed by heaven-born charity and uni- 
versal philanthropy. 

At the close of "the sessiou of Congress in 1779, he was induced to 
resign his seat in consequence of his ill health, and a serious affection 
of the nerves, producing dizziness, that sometimes suddenly pros- 
trated him. Being relieved from the more arduous duties of super- 
intending the college at Princeton by the vice president, the Rev. 
Dr. Samuel Smith, his son-in-law. he sought the enjoyments of retire- 
ment. These were allowed to him but a brief period. In a little 
more than a year he was again elected to Congress, and when he 
finally resigned in 1782, he was shortly after persuaded by the trus- 
tees of the college, at the age of sixty, to embark for England for the 
purpose of obtaining funds to aid the seminary over which he presided. 
His exertions were laudable, but his mission unsuccessful. He op- 
posed the project as visionary before he started; he demonstrated the 
correctness of his opinion when he returned in 1784. 

He then retired to his country seat about one mile from Princeton, 
there to participate in the blessings of peace, of liberty, of independence, 
and of fame, the golden fruits that had been richly earned by years 
of peril and of toil. Surrounded by fond relatives and devoted friends; 
enjoying the gratitude and praise of a nation of freemen; his name 
immortalized as a civilian, a statesman, a patriot, a scholar, and a 
divine, he could sit down beneath the bright mantle of a pure con- 
science and an approving Heaven; and, through the bright vista of the 
future, gaze upon a crown of enduring glory, prepared for him in 
realms of bliss beyond the skies. He was peaceful and happy. 

In this manner he glided down the stream of life until the 15th of 
November. 1794, when he fell asleep in the arms of his Lord and 
Master, calm as a summer morning, serene as the etherial sky, wel- 
coming the messenger of death with a seraphic smile. His remains 
rest in the church yard at Princeton. 

A review of the life of this great and good man, affords an instruc- 
tive lesson worthy to be engraven upon the heart of every reader. He 
was endowed with all the qualities calculated to ennoble and dignify 
the creature, and assimilate him to the Creator. His superior virtues 
completely eclipsed his human frailties, and placed him on a lofty 
eminence beyond the reach of envy, malice, or slander. His fame, 
in all its varied and refulgent hues, spreads a lustre over his name 
that will brighten and shine until the last death knell of libertv shall 
be sounded, and social order shall be lost in the devouring whirlpool 
of chaos. 

In all the relations of private and public life, he stood approved, 
admired, and revered. Let us all endeavour to imitate his examples 
of virtue, the crowning glory of talent, that our lives mav be useful in 
time, and our final exit tranquil and happv. 



102 



THOMAS LYNCH, Jr. 

Revolutionary struggles, predicated solely upon political ambition 
and partisan principles, often produce the most bitter persecution be- 
tween those whose ties of consanguinity and friendship are seldom 
severed by other incidents. To the credit of our nation, instances of 
this kind were very rare during the struggle for American indepen- 
dence. In the field of battle, sire and son fought shoulder to shoulder; 
in the public assemblies, they united their eloquence in rousing the 
people to action. 

A pleasing illustration of the mutual devotion of father and son 
to the same glorious object, is found in the history of Thomas Lynch, 
Jr., and his venerable parent. Their paternal ancestors were of Aus- 
trian descent, and highly respectable. The branch of the family 
from which the subject of the present sketch descended, removed 
to Kent in England, from thence to Ireland, a son of which, Jonack 
Lynch, emigrated from Connaught to South Carolina, in the early 
part of its settlement. He was the great-grandfather of Thomas 
Lynch, jr., and was a man of liberal views and of pure morality. 
Thomas Lynch, the father of the subject of this brief narrative, was 
his youngest son, and imbibed, at an early age, the patriotic feelings 
that rendered him conspicuous at the commencement of the revolu- 
tion. By his industry and enterprise in agricultural pursuits he 
amassed a large fortune, and was able and disposed to give this, his 
only son, a superior education. 

Thomas Lynch, jr., was born upon the plantation of his father on 
the bank of the North Santa river, in the parish of Prince George, 
South Carolina, on the 5th of August, 1749. In early childhood he 
was deprived of the maternal care of his fond mother, who was the 
daughter of Mr. Alston, by relentless death. At a proper age he was 
placed at the Indigo Society School, then in successful operation at 
Georgetown in his native state, where some of the most eminent sages 
of the southern colonies received their education. 

Warmed by the genial rays of the sun of science the germ of the 
young mind of Thomas Lynch, jr. soon burst from its embryo state, 
and exhibited a pleasing and luxuriant growth. His progress in the 
exploration of the fields of literature was creditable to himself and 
highly gratifying to his indulgent parent and numerous friends. So 
rapid was his improvement, that at the early age of thirteen, his father 
placed him at the famous school at Eton, Buckinghamshire, England, 
founded by Henry VI., where he commenced his classical studies. 
After completing his course there, he was entered as a gentleman 
commoner in the University of Cambridge, where he became a finished 
scholar and an accomplished gentleman, esteemed and respected by 
all who knew him. He then had his name entered in the Law Tern- 



THOMAS LYNCH, Jk. J 03 

pie, and made himself familiar with the elementary principles of legal 
knowledge, and prepared himself thoroughly to act well his part 
through future life. During his stay, he cultivated an extensive ac- 
quaintance with the whigs of England, which gave him an opportu- 
nity of acquiring a knowledge of the policy and designs of British 
ministers with regard to the American colonies. He took a deep 
interest in the relative situation of the two countries, and returned 
home in 1772, prepared and determined to oppose the oppressions of 
the crown and strike for liberty. As the dark clouds of the revolu- 
tion gathered in fearful array, the firmness of his purposes increased. 
These were fostered and encouraged by his patriotic father, and re- 
sponded to by the people of his parish. Hand in hand did the sire 
and son march to the rescue of their country from the iron grasp of 
tyranny. 

" The first attempt of Thomas Lynch, jr., at public speaking, after 
his return from Europe, was at a large town meeting at Charleston. 
His father had just addressed the assembled multitude on the subject 
of British oppression, amidst the enthusiastic cheers of his fellow citi- 
zens. As he sat down his youthful son rose. A profound silence 
ensued. A thousand eyes were turned upon him. For a moment he 
paused; his eyes were fixed, his bosom heaved: the struggle was over, 
anil a strain of eloquence followed that carried the insulating fluid of 
patriotism to the hearts of his astonished and delighted audience with 
irresistible force. Tears of joy ran down the furrowed cheeks of his 
father, and loud bursts of applause were shouted by the enraptured 
assembly. 

"When the final crisis for physical action arrived, Mr. Lynch was 
among the first to offer his services. In July, 1775, he accepted of the 
commission of captain, and repaired to Newbern, North Carolina, 
where he unfurled the star spangled banner, and in a few weeks en- 
listed the number of men required for his company. His father ob- 
jected to his acceptance of so low a commission, to whom his affec- 
tionate son modestly replied, "My present command is fully equal to 
my experience;" a reply worthy of the consideration of every young 
person who desires to build his fame upon a substantial basis. If a 
man is suddenly placed upon a towering eminence to which he is un- 
accustomed, the nerves of his brain must be unusually strong if he 
does not grow dizzy, tremble, totter, and fall. If he ascends gradu- 
ally, and pauses at the different points of altitude, he may reach the 
loftiest spire, preserve his equilibrium and be safe. Sudden ele- 
vations are uniformly dangerous. On his way to Charleston with his 
men, Captain Lynch was prostrated by the bilious fever, brought on 
by the fatigues and exposures of his new mode of life. From this 
attack he never entirely recovered. Towards the close of the year 
he so far regained his health as to be able to join his regiment. Soon 
after, he received intelligence of the dangerous illness of his father, 
then a member of Congress at Philadelphia. He immediately applied 
to Colonel Gadsden, his commanding officer, for permission to visit 
him, which was peremptorily refused, on the ground that the necessity 
for his services in the army was paramount to all private considera- 



104 THOMAS LYNCH, Jr. 

tions. This difficulty was unexpectedly removed by his election to 
Congress, as the successor of his father, by an unanimous vote of the 
assembly of his state. He received the information with deep emo- 
tions of diffidence and gratitude. He promptly repaired to his new 
and dignified station, and took his seat in the Congress of 1776, com- 
posed of sages and statesmen whose combined talents and wisdom 
have no parallel in ancient or modern history. On his arrival at Phila- 
delphia he found his father partially relieved from his paralytic affec- 
tion, and in August he attempted to return to South Carolina, but 
only reached Annapolis, where he expired in the arms of his son who 
was soon to follow him. 

On his entrance in the national legislature, Captain Lynch became 
a bold and eloquent advocate of the Declaration of Independence, and 
gained the reputation of being an able statesman and a firm patriot. 
He most cheerfully and fearlessly affixed his name to the charter of 
our rights, and did all in his power, and more than his feeble state of 
health warranted, to promote the glorious cause of freedom. He was 
finally compelled to yield to increasing disease, and relinquish his pub- 
lic duties. Medical skill proved unavailing, and by the advice of his 
physicians he undertook, a voyage to Europe, a change of climate being 
the only thing that promised him relief. Near the close of the year 
1779, himself and lady sailed with Captain Morgan, whose vessel was 
never heard from after she had been a few days at sea. The. last ac- 
count of the unfortunate ship was from a Frenchman, who left her from 
some cause unknown and went on board of another, shortly after which 
a violent tempest arose and unquestionably sent her, with all on board, 
to the bottom of the ocean. 

Previous to his embarking, Captain Lynch, having no issue, willed 
his large estate to his three sisters in case of the death of himself and 
wife. 

The private character of this worthy man was unsullied, and in all 
respects amiable. Had his valuable life been spared, he would un- 
doubtedly have rendered his country eminent services, and maintained 
an elevated rank among the patriots and sages of the eventful era he 
saw so gloriously commenced. During his short career, he performed 
enough to immortalize his name. Although his morning sun never 
reached its meridian, its splendour contributed largely in illuminating 
the horizon of liberty, and shed a lustre over his memory enduring 
as time. 

The brief but brilliant career of Thomas Lynch, Jr., admonishes us 
that life is held by a slender tenure, and that high accomplishments, 
like some rich flowers, often bloom just long enough to be admired 
and revered, then withdraw their beauties from our enraptured sight 
forever. 



105 



MATTHEW THORNTON. 

In the sages of the American revolution, we recognise every variety 
of character that ennobles man and confers upon him dignity and merit. 
To rouse the people to a becoming sense of their inalienable and 
chartered rights, and to induce them to rise in the majesty of their 
might and vindicate them, was the first great business of the illustrious 
patriots who boldly planned and nobly achieved American indepen- 
dence. To effect this important object, all the varied forms and powers 
of eloquence were necessary, from the mighty torrent of logic that 
overwhelms, the keen sarcasm that withers, to the mild persuasion 
that leads the heart a willing captive. 

The latter talent was pre-eminently possessed by Matthew 
Thornton, who was born in Ireland in 1714, and immigrated to this 
country with his father, James Thornton, in 1717, who settled at 
Wiscasset, Maine. This son received a good academical education, 
and was much admired for his industry, correct deportment, and 
blandness of manners. After completing his course at school, he 
commenced the study of medicine with Dr. Grout, of Leicester, 
Massachusetts. He made rapid progress in the acquisition of that 
important branch of science, and gave early promise of future and ex- 
tensive usefulness. When he became prepared to enter upon the 
duties of his profession, he commenced practice in Londonderry, New 
Hampshire, which was principally settled by immigrants from his 
native country. He soon acquired a lucrative business, and the con- 
fidence and esteem of his numerous patrons. 

In the expedition against Cape Breton, then belonging to the French, 
he was appointed surgeon of the New Hampshire division of the in- 
vading army, and performed his duty with great fidelity, skill, and 
credit. 

He was an early and prominent advocate of American rights — 
a bold and uniform opposer to the usurpations of the British ministry. 
He had a great opportunity to disseminate liberal principles among 
the people, which did not pass unimproved. When the revolutionary 
storm burst upon the colonies, he had command of a regiment of 
militia in Londonderry. He also held the commission of justice of 
the peace, and had filled various civil offices. His urbanity of man- 
ners, sincerity and honesty of purpose, and uncommon powers of per- 
suasion, gave him a rare and salutary influence, both in private par- 
ties and public assemblies. 

He was appointed president of the first provincial convention of 

New Hampshire, after the dissolution of the king's government. The 

people of that state, for a time, did not come up to the line marked 

out by the patriots of Massachusetts, but Dr. Thornton, and other 

14 



106 



MATTHEW THORNTON. 



leading men, soon brought them into the rank and file of opposition 
to the invading foe, and redeemed them from the bonds of servitude 
and fear. In 1774, they sent delegates to the Congress convened at 
Philadelphia, and in December of that year, when they were apprised 
of the order of the king in council prohibiting the exportation of gun- 
powder, the committee of safety in the town of Portsmouth collected 
a body of men, who, before the governor was apprised of their inten- 
tion, seized upon the fort and carried oft' one hundred barrels of that 
then important commodity. 

Soon after the flight of Governor Wentworth upon receiving the 
intelligence of the battle of Lexington, an address was prepared by a 
committee of the provincial convention, of which Dr. Thornton was 
president, which was published over his signature. To the young- 
reader this may seem unimportant, until it is known it was lull evi- 
dence to convict him of high treason, and would have doomed him to 
the scaftbld had he fallen into the hands of his enemies. Hence, the 
patriotism and boldness of the act. 

The address was couched in strong and feeling terms, well calcu- 
lated to produce the intended effect. The following extract is a fair 
sample of the whole: "You must all be sensible that the affairs of 
America have at length come to an affecting crisis. The horrors and 
distresses of a civil war, which, till of late, we only had in contem- 
plation, we now find ourselves obliged to realize. Painful, beyond 
expression, have been those scenes of blood and devastation which 
the barbarous cruelty of British troops have placed before our eyes. 
Duty to God, to ourselves, to posterity, enforced by the cries of 
slaughtered innocents, have urged us to take up arms in our own de- 
fence. Such a day as this was never before known either to us or to 
our fathers. We would therefore recommend to the colony at large 
to cultivate that christian union, harmony, and tender affection 
which is the only foundation upon which our invaluable privileges 
can rest with any security, or our public measures be pursued with 
the least prospect of success." 
- On the 10th of January, 1776, Dr. Thornton was appointed a Judge 
of the Superior Court of New Hampshire, and on the 12th of Septem- 
ber he was elected a member of the Continental Congress, and when 
he took his seat affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. 
For those who are not correctly informed upon the subject it is natu- 
ral to suppose that the signers of the chart of our liberty were pre- 
sent on the memorable 4th of July when it was adopted. This was 
not the case. Messrs. Franklin, Rush, Clymer, Wilson, Ross, and 
Taylor, as in the case of Dr. Thornton, were not members on that 
day. Nor does the name of Thomas M'Kean appear upon the printed 
records of Congress, although he was present and signed on the 4th 
of July; and the name of Henry Wisner, a delegate from Orange 
county, New York, who signed the original manuscript of the decla- 
ration on the day it was adopted, has never been properly recognised. 
These errors were undoubtedly clerical, not intentional. Mr. Wis- 
ner was a highly respectable member, and a pure and zealous patriot. 
Dr. Thornton discharged the duties of his important station ably and 



MATTHEW THORNTON. 107 

faithfully until his services were required upon the bench. On the 
24th of December of the same year, he was again elected to Congress, 
and served until the 23d of January, 1777, when he retired finally 
from the national legislature, highly esteemed by all his associates, 
enjoying the full confidence and gratitude of his constituents, and the 
proud satisfaction of having performed his duty towards his country. 
For six years he served on the bench of the Superior Court, and was 
also Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; the combined duties of 
which rendered his task arduous. In 1779, he removed to Exeter, 
and the following year purchased a plantation upon the banks of the 
Merrimack, river, where he sought that repose that his advanced age 
required. His friends, however, were not willing to excuse him from 
acting in public concerns, and induced him to serve as a member of 
the general court, and also in the state senate during the war, and for 
two years after its close. On the 25th of January, 1784, he was ap- 
pointed a justice of the peace and quorum throughout the state, which 
was an important office under the original constitution of the state, 
but which was abolished in part, and abridged in jurisdiction, by the 
amendments of 1792. This he held to the day of his final retirement 
from all public duties,' and, after 1785, he took no part in the politics 
of the day, but continued to aftbrd salutary counsel on all important 
matters relative to the public weal, about which he was often con- 
sulted. During the controversy between his state and Vermont con- 
cerning a portion of disputed territory, he wrote several letters to 
those in power, urging the necessity of conciliatory measures, and an 
unconditional submission to the decision of Congress in the premises. 
They were highly creditable to him as an able patriot, a good writer, 
and a discreet man. 

Dr. Thornton was one of the most fascinating and agreeable men 
of his age. He was seldom known to smile, but was uniformly cheer- 
ful, entertaining, and instructive; similar, in many respects, to the 
illustrious Franklin. His mind was stored with a rich variety of use- 
ful and practical knowledge, which rendered him an interesting com- 
panion. He sustained an unblemished private reputation, and dis- 
charged all the social relations of life with fidelity and faithfulness. 
He was opposed to sectarian religion, belonged to no church, but was 
devoutly pious and a constant attendant of public worship. He was 
a kind husband, an affectionate father, and a good neighbour. He 
was very exact in collecting his dues, by some thought too severe, 
and was rigidly scrupulous in liquidating every farthing he owed. 
He was a large portly man, over six feet in height, well proportioned, 
with an expressive countenance, enlivened by keen and penetrating- 
black eyes. He died at Newburyport, Massachusetts, on the 24th 
of June, 1803, whilst visiting his daughter. His remains were con- 
veyed to New Hampshire, and deposited near Thornton's Ferry, 
on the bank of the Merrimack, where a neat marble slab rests over 
his dust, with this laconic and significant epitaph — 

"MATTHEW THORNTON. 

I N HONEST MA N. v 



108 



WILLIAM FLOYD. 

Private virtue and undisguised sincerity were marked character- 
istics of the revolutionary patriots. They were actuated by pure 
and honest motives, and not by wild ambition and political phrenzy. 
Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favourites 
of the people during the war of independence. The man of genu- 
ine worth and modest merit was the one whom they delighted to ho- 
nour and trust. 

In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily 
blended. He was a native of Suffolk, Long Island, in the state of 
New York, born on the 17th of December, 1734. His grandfather, 
Richard Floyd, immigrated from Wales in 1680, and settled at Setau- 
ket, Long Island. During his childhood he was remarkable for frank- 
ness and truth, and for amiableness of disposition and urbanity of 
manners. He was an industrious student, and acquired a liberal 
education. During the prosecution of his studies, he preserved his 
health in its full vigour, by devoting a short period almost daily to 
the use of his gun, in pursuit of game, the only diversion to which he 
was ardently attached. This exercise gave his system a healthy tone, 
and enabled him to master his lessons with more accuracy than some 
who confine themselves exclusively to their rooms, and become de- 
bilitated for the want of physical action. Upon the health of the body 
the improvement of the juvenile mind very much depends — exercise 
in the open air should not be neglected. 

The father of William M'Nicoll Floyd died before this son arrived 
at his majority, and left him an ample fortune. He managed it with 
prudence and economy, and when his country was doomed to pass 
through the fiery furnace of a revolution, he was one of the most opu- 
lent and influential men on Long Island. From his youth he had been 
the advocate of liberal principles, and opposed to the innovations of 
the British ministry, upon the chartered rights of the American colo- 
nies. As oppression increased, his patriotic feelings were more fre- 
quently and freely expressed, and when the Congress of 1774 con- 
vened at Philadelphia, he was an active and zealous member. By 
his uniform candour and purity of purpose, he gained the unlimited 
confidence of his constituents and of his country. His cool delibera- 
tion and calm deportment, under all circumstances, were well calcu- 
lated to preserve an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temper- 
ament and of more rashness in action. The Congress of 1774 was re- 
markable for clear and unanswerable argument, calm and learned 
discussion, wise and judicious plans, and reasonable but firm pur- 
poses. The course pursued operated powerfully and favourably upon 



WILLIAM FLOYD. 109 

the minds of reflecting men, whose influence it was important to ob- 
tain and secure. 

Mr. Floyd also had command of the militia of his native county, 
and when the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay, promptly 
assembled them, and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again 
chosen a representative in Congress, and became one of its active and 
efficient members. He was emphatically a working man, and engaged 
constantly on important committee duties. During his absence at 
Philadelphia, the British obtained possession of Long Island, and 
forced his family to flee for their safety to Connecticut. His property 
was materially injured by the enemy, and his mansion-house convert- 
ed into a military barrack, for the accommodation of the invaders of 
his country. For seven years he was deprived of all resources from 
his plantation, and was dependant upon his friends for the protection 
of his family. The year following he was again elected to a seat in 
the Continental Congress, and had the satisfaction of affixing his name 
to the declaration of independence, which he had advocated from its 
incipient stages to the time of its adoption. In 1777 he was elected 
to the first senate of the state of New York, convened under the new 
order of things. He immediately became a prominent and leading 
member, and rendered important services in forming a code of repub- 
lican laws for the future government of the empire state, carefully 
guarding the rights of person and property inviolate. 

In January, 1779, he again took his seat in the Continental Con- 
gress, and entered upon the duties of his station with the utmost vi- 
gour and industry. On the 24th of the ensuing August, he re- 
sumed his station in the senate of his native state. Much important 
business was before the legislature, requiring wisdom, energy, and 
unity of action. To devise some plan of relief from a depreciated 
currency and a prostrate credit, was an important item. Mr. Floyd 
was at the head of a joint committee appointed for this purpose, and 
reported a plan that proved him to be an able financier and a man of 
deep thought and investigation. It was predicated upon a gradual 
and just system of taxation, to be carried into effect by responsible 
and honest agents, with good and sufficient sureties for the payment 
of all monies collected to the proper officer — the state treasurer. In 
October of that year, Mr. Floyd, Ezra L'Hommedieu, and John Loss 
were appointed by the New York legislature delegates to a conven- 
tion of the eastern states convened for the purpose of devising some 
system by which supplies of provisions could be more readily obtain- 
ed and preserved from the grasp of avaricious monopolists. 

Immediately after the discharge of the duties assigned him, he again 
took his seat in Congress. On the third of December he was elected 
one of the board of admiralty, and on the thirteenth of the same month 
a member of the treasury' board. By incessant application to the 
various duties that devolved upon him, his health became impaired, 
and in April following he obtained leave of absence. In June he re- 
paired to the senate of New York, and was immediately appointed 
upon a joint committee to act upon resolutions of Congress, involving 
the important relations between the state and general government. 



|J0 WILLTAM FLOYD. 

He opposed, unsuccessfully, the plan of making bills of credit a legal 
tender, but had the pleasure in after life of seeing the principles he 
then advocated sanctioned and adopted. 

In September he was appointed upon a committee of the senate to 
prepare a reply to the message of the governor. To effect a proper 
organization of the general government, was the anxious desire of the 
state legislatures. To confer upon Congress all necessary powers, 
strictly defined and plain to be understood, was considered the only 
safe policy to insure future safety. To this important subject the 
governor had drawn the particular attention of the members. The 
committee reported several resolutions on this point, which were 
adopted and forwarded for the consideration of the national legisla- 
ture. They recommended the enactment of laws that should produce 
an equal responsibility upon each of the states to bear its pro rata 
proportion of the burden of the war, in the way and manner that 
should be devised by the general government. In 1780 he was again 
returned to Congress. In addition to the usual duties, he was in- 
structed by an act of the legislature, together with the other members 
from New York, to obtain a settlement of the claims of his native 
state, and those of New Hampshire, to the territory now comprising 
the state of Vermont. This was a vexed question that required much 
industry and wisdom to manage. These were eminently possessed 
by Mr. Floyd, who, on that occasion, as upon all others, discharged 
his duties to the entire satisfaction of his constituents. He also, dur- 
ing the same session, introduced a resolution for the cession of the 
western territories to the United States. He also nominated, on the 
10th of August, Robert L. Livingston as secretary of foreign affairs, 
who was immediately appointed to that important station. 

In addition to serving in the senate of his own state, more or less 
every year, he continued an active member of Congress until 1733, 
when he joined in the general joy of triumphant victory and heart- 
cheering peace, and was once more permitted to return and take pos- 
session of the ruins of his once flourishing plantation, amidst the con- 
gratulation of his numerous friends, all animated by the resplendent 
glories of liberty. In order that he might repair his private fortune, 
he declined the urgent request of his constituents to consent to a re- 
election to Congress. He however continued to serve in the senate 
of his native state until 1788, when he was returned a member of the 
first Congress under the federal constitution. Worn out in the ser- 
vice of his country, he retired at the end of his term from the public 
arena, and once more entered upon the enjoyments of domestic bliss. 

Being possessed of a large tract of valuable land upon the banks of 
the Mohawk river, then a dense wilderness, he commenced gradual 
improvements upon it, and in 1803 took up his final residence there. 
His friends often urged him to again become a member of the national 
legislature, but he declined entering upon any laborious public duties, 
except serving the district to which he removed one term in the state 
senate, and also of serving as a member of the convention of 1801, to 
revise the constitution of New York. He was four times a member 
of the electoral college of his state for the election of president and 



WILLIAM FLU YD. H£ 

vice-president, and in 1800 he travelled two hundred miles to give 
his vote for his old companion and friend, Thomas Jefferson, in the 
dreary month of December. 

He continued to improve his new plantation until he saw the wilder- 
ness blossom as the rose, and his mansion surrounded by happy neigh- 
bours, all basking in the clear sunshine of that freedom he had been 
instrumental in acquiring. Envy was a stranger to his philanthropic 
and patriotic bosom; he rejoiced in the happiness of the whole human 
family; he delighted in the prosperity of all around him. 

In all things he was a practical man, free from pomp and vanity, 
and systematic in all his proceedings. When his purposes were form- 
ed, he prosecuted them with an unyielding energy that was seldom 
arrested or thwarted. He was possessed of a clear head, a strong 
mind, a good heart, a vigorous and sound judgment, matured by long 
experience and a close observation of men and things. He spoke but 
little in public assemblies, and rarely entered into debate. Happy 
would it be for our country if we had more men like William Floyd at 
the present day, instead of so many who talk more than they ivork. 
Long speeches hang like an incubus over our legislatures, and those 
who feel disposed, are prevented by them from doing the business of 
the people promptly. 

In all the privaterelations of life William Floyd presented a model 
as worthy of imitation as that of his public career. He was warm in 
his friendships, and most scrupulously honest in all his transactions. 
His feelings and morals were of a refined cast, and the most rigid in- 
tegrity marked his every action. He thought and acted for himself, 
and left others to do the same. He marked out his path of duty from 
the reflections of his own mind, and pursued it steadily and fearless- 
ly. For more than fifty years he enjoyed the full fruition of popular 
favours, and only one year before his death was elected a member of 
the electoral college. His physical powers were remarkable until a 
short time before his last illness. He was a man of middle size, well 
formed, and of easy deportment. He was dignified in his general ap- 
pearance, and affable in his manners. For the last two years of his 
life his health was partially impaired, and on the 1st of August, 1821, 
he was seized with general debility, and on the fourth day he folded 
his arms calmly, closed his eyes peacefully, and met the cold embrace 
of death with the fortitude of a sage, a patriot, and a christian. Al- 
though general Floyd did not possess the Ciceronian eloquence of an 
Adams, a Jefferson, or a Henry, he was one of the most useful men of 
his day and generation. His examples and his labours shed a lustre 
over his character, as rich and as enduring as the fame of those who 
shone conspicuously in the forum. He was an important link in the 
golden chain of liberty, and was so esteemed by all his associates in 
Congress. The working man was then properly appreciated. The 
most powerful orators of that eventful era were concise and laconic. 
Long speeches were as uncommon as they are now pernicious and un- 
necessary. The business of our nation was performed promptly, ex- 
peditiously, effectually, and economically. Let us imitate the exam- 
ples of the patriots of the times that tried their souls, and preserve, 



112 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 

in its native purity, the rich boon of liberty they have transmitted to 
us. Let us emulate the virtues of general William Floyd, and we 
shall be highly esteemed in life, deeply mourned in death, and our 
names will survive, on the tablet of enduring fame, through the revolu- 
tions of time. 



WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 

A common error that has gained credence among mankind, consists 
in a belief that to obtain a sufficient share of knowledge to enable a 
man to appear advantageously upon the theatre of public action, he 
must spend his youthful days within the walls of some celebrated 
seminary of learning. Iu the view of many.it is necessary for a young 
man to commence his career under the high floating banner of a col- 
legiate diploma in order to ensure future fame. 

That a refined classical education is a desirable and high accom- 
plishment, I admit; that it is indispensably necessary, and always 
renders a man more useful, I deny. The man who has been incar- 
cerated from his childhood up to his majority within the limited cir- 
cumference of his school-room and boarding-house, although he may 
have mastered all the sciences of the books, cannot have acquired 
that knowledge of men and things necessary to prepare him for action 
in private or public life. Polite literature is one thing, useful know- 
ledge, fit for every day use, is another, and of vital importance. By 
proper application a man may obtain both, and that without entering 
college. The field is open to all, especially under a republican form 
of government. Franklin and Sherman, both humble mechanics, be- 
came finished scholars and profound philosophers without the aid of 
collegiate professors. I do not design to deteriorate the usefulness 
of high seminaries of learning, but to stimulate those who have native 
talent and cannot enjoy their advantages, to imitate the examples 
of those who have risen to high stations of honour and distinction by 
the force of their own exertions, unaided by these dazzling lights. 

Among the self taught men of our country the name of William 
Whipple stands conspicuous. He was the eldest son of William 
Whipple, and born at Kittery, Maine, in 1730. He was educated in 
a common English school, where he was taught reading, writing, 
arithmetic, and navigation. These branches he mastered at an early 
age, and was then entered as a cabin boy on board of a merchant ves- 
sel, which was in accordance with the wishes of his father and his 
own inclination. Before he arrived at the age of twenty-one years, 
he rose to the station of captain and made several successful voyages 
to Europe. Some writers have attempted to cast a stigma upon his 
character at that era of his life, because, in a few instances, he partici- 
pated in the slave trade. If they will learn the general feeling that 



WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 113 

pervaded the minds of a large proportion of the civilized community 
at that time upon this subject, their anathemas will vanish in thin air. 
The trade was then sanctioned by the king of Great Britain, under 
whose government captain Whipple acted, and, according to the 
English law, the king can do no harm. The correctness of the prin- 
ciple was not then disputed or agitated generally, and the trade was 
ingrafted in the commercial policy of the mother country. That Cap- 
tain Whipple became convinced upon reflection of the unjustness and 
barbarity of the traffic, fully appears from his subsequent acts. At 
the commencement of the revolution he manumitted the only slave he 
owned, who adhered to his old master during the war, and fought 
bravely for our liberties. If every man is to be condemned for the 
errors of youth, whose riper years are crowned with virtue, the list of 
fame will be robbed of many bright constellations. 

In 1759, captain Whipple relinquished his oceanic pursuits, and 
commenced the mercantile business in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. 
He also married Miss Catharine Moffat, and entered upon a new scene 
of life. During his numerous voyages he had become celebrated as a 
skilful navigator and a judicious commanding officer. He had care- 
fully treasured a large fund of useful knowledge by close observation, 
attentive reading, and by mingling, when in port, with none but intel- 
ligent and good company. He had listened, both in England and 
America, to the unwarranted pretensions of the former, and the in- 
creasing complaints of the latter. He had made himself familiar with 
the chartered rights of his own country, and with the usurpations 
of the crown over his fellow citizens. He was prepared to take a 
bold stand in favour of freedom. He took a conspicuous part in pub- 
lic meetings, and was chosen one of the committee of safety. He rose 
rapidly in public estimation, and the former cabin boy became a lead- 
ing patriot. In January, 1775, he represented Portsmouth in the 
Provincial Congress, convened at Exeter, for the purpose of choosing 
delegates for the Continental Congress. On the 6th of January of the 
following year he was chosen a member of the provincial council of 
New Hampshire, and on the 23d of the same month, a delegate to the 
national legislature at Philadelphia, of which he continued a distin- 
guished, active, and useful member, until the middle of September, 
1779. He was present at the adoption of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, and affixed his name to that sacred and bold instrument with 
the same fearless calmness with which he would have signed a bill of 
lading. 

He was emphatically a working man, and from his extensive know- 
ledge of business, rendered himself highly useful on committees. As 
a member of the marine and commercial committees, his practical 
knowledge gave him a superiority over his colleagues. He was also 
appointed one of the superintendents of the commissary and quarter- 
master department, and did much towards correcting abuses and 
checking peculation. He was untiring in his industry, ardent in his 
zeal, philosophic in his views, pure in his purposes, and strong in his 
patriotism. When he finally retired from Congress to serve his coun- 
try in another and more perilous sphere, he carried with him the esteem 
15 



114 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 

and approbation of all his co-workers in the glorious cause of liberty. 
On his return to his constituents he was hailed as a sage, a patriot, 
and a hero. 

In 1777 he had received the appointment of brigadier-general, and 
was put in command of the first brigade of the provincial troops of 
New Hampshire, acting in concert with General Stark, who com- 
manded the other. At that time General Burgoyne was on the flood 
tide of his military glory in the north, spreading consternation far and 
wide. He was first checked in his triumphant career by General 
Stark, at Bennington, Vermont. General Whipple, about the same 
time, joined General Gates with his brigade, and was in the bloody 
battles of Stillwater and Saratoga, where the palm of victory was 
attributed in a great measure to the troops under his command. In 
the consummation of the brilliant victory over the British army under 
Burgoyne, which shed fresh lustre on the American arms, General 
Whipple contributed largely. Colonel Wilkinson and he were the 
officers who arranged and signed the articles of capitulation between 
the two commanders. He was also selected as one of the officers to 
conduct the conquered foe to Winter Hill, near Boston. His faithful 
negro, whom he manumitted at that time, participated in all the perils 
of his old master, and seemed as much elated with the victory as if 
he had been the commander-in-chief. 

In 1778, General Whipple was with General Sullivan at the siege 
of Newport, which was necessarily abandoned in consequence of the 
failure of the anticipated co-operation of the French fleet under Count 
D'Estaing, which was unexpectedly injured in a gale of wind. A 
safe and fortunate retreat was effected in the night, which saved that 
portion of the American army from total destruction. 

In 1780 General Whipple was appointed a commissioner of the 
board of admiralty by Congress, which honour he did not accept, pre- 
ferring to serve in the legislature of his own state, to which he had 
just been elected, and in which he continued for a number of years. 

In 1782 he was appointed by Robert Morris financial receiver for 
the state of New Hampshire, which conferred upon him the highest 
eulogium for integrity and honesty. The office was arduous, unpopu- 
lar, and irksome, but he performed its duties faithfully until the 2nd 
of July, 1784, when he resigned. In conjunction with the many ho- 
nourable stations he filled, he was appointed a judge of the superior 
court on the 20th of June, 1782, and on the 25th of December, 1784, 
was appointed a justice of the peace and quorum throughout the state, 
which offices he held to the day of his death. He was also one of the 
commissioners on the behalf of Connecticut, who met at Trenton to 
settle the unpleasant controversy between that state and the common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania, relative to the lands in Wyoming valley. In 
all the multiform public duties that devolved upon him, he acquitted 
himself nobly, and retained, to his last moments, the entire confi- 
dence of his country. He possessed a strong and analyzing mind, a 
clear head, a good heart, and deep penetration of thought. In all the 
relations of private and public life, from the cabin boy up to the lofty 
pinnacle of fame on which he perched, he maintained a reputation 



FRANCIS HOPKINSON, Esq. H5 

pure as the virgin sheet. During the latter part of his life, he suffered 
much from disease in his chest, which terminated his useful and pa- 
triotic career on the 28th of November, 1785. Agreeably to his 
request before his death, his body underwent a post-mortem examina- 
tion. His heart was found ossified; the valves were united to the 
aorta, and an aperture, not larger than a knitting needle, was all that 
remained for the passage of the blood in its circulation. This ac- 
counted for his having often fainted when any sudden emotion excited 
a rapid flow of his life stream. 



FRANCIS HOPKINSON, Esq. 

Times of high excitement, terminating in an important crisis, big 
with interests and events, tend greatly to the developement of cha- 
racter and talent. Thus, during the revolution, many talents were 
brought to light and action, that a supremacy of kingly power would 
have crushed in embryo, and left them to perish, unseen and unknown. 

Amongst the actors on that memorable stage we find a variety of 
characters, showing the powers of mind in all their varied forms and 
shades, from the sedate and grave Washington, to the sprightly and 
witty Hopkinson, and the pithy and original Franklin. 

Francis Hopkinson was the son of Thomas Hopkinson, of Phila- 
delphia, born in 1737. His father was a man of superior talents and 
high attainments, his mother was one of the best of Heaven's gifts. 
At the age of fourteeen, death robbed Francis of his father, and left 
his mother to struggle, with limited means, with all the accumulating 
difficulties of maintaining and educating a large family of fatherless 
children. 

Under her guidance and instruction, young Francis soon evinced 
talents that promised well for him and his country. She used every 
exertion to improve his education, depriving herself of all the luxu- 
ries, and many of the comforts of life, to advance the interests of her 
children. Being a devoted christian, she took peculiar care and de- 
light in planting deep the purest principles of virtue, guarding their 
minds against all the avenues of vice and sin. She taught them the 
design of their creation, the duty they owed to their God and fellow 
men, and that to be truly happy, they must be truly good. The 
foundation being thus firmly laid, she placed her favourite son, the 
future hope of her family, at the University of Pennsylvania, where 
he completed his studies and graduated. He then commenced a suc- 
cessful study of law under Benjamin Chew, Esq., and became a close 
and thorough student, making great proficiency in his judicial ac- 
quirements. He possessed a brilliant and flowing fancy, a lively 
imagination, a captivating manner, and was partial to polite literature 
as well as the more solid sciences. He was fond of poetry, music, 
and painting. He excelled in humorous satire, keen as that of his 



HQ FRANCIS HOPKINSON, Esq. 

prototype Swift. Fortunately, these talents were made to subserve, 
pre-eminently, the cause of patriotism, science and philanthropy — 
the consequent result of deep-rooted morality. 

In 1765, he visited London, where he continued two years, mak- 
ing himself acquainted with the feelings and designs of the British 
parliament towards the Colonies, who had already began to feel 
oppression. 

On his return he married the amiable Miss Ann Borden, of Borden- 
town, N. J.; and soon found himself surrounded by all the accumu- 
lating cares of a rising family. In rearing his children, his mind 
was often carried back to the manner his venerable and esteemed 
mother had instructed him during his childhood. He could adopt 
no better plan or find no brighter example to follow. But the com- 
forts of "sweet home" were soon to be interrupted. His country 
needed his services, which were cheerfully and promptly rendered. 
He was among its warmest and most zealous patriots. It was for 
him to do much in opening the eyes of the great mass of the people 
to a just sense of the injuries inflicted by the mother country. This 
he did by various publications, written in a style so fascinating and 
humorous as to be universally read; painting, in true and glowing 
colours, the injustice of the crown and the rights of the colonists. 
His Pretty Story — his Letters to James Rivington — his Epistle to 
Lord Howe — his two Letters by a Tory — his translation of a Letter 
written by a Foreigner — his Political Catechism — and the New Roof, 
were all productions of taste and merit, and were of vast importance 
in rousing the people to a vindication of their rights and the achieve- 
ment of their liberties. 

During the administration of Governor Dickinson, political dissen- 
sions and party spirit spread their mountain waves over Pennsylvania, 
threatening to destroy the fair fabric of her new government. The 
pen of Mr. Hopkinson was again instrumental in restoring order. 
In an essay, called "A full and true account of a violent uproar 
which lately happened in a very eminent family," he exposed the 
factious partizans to such keen and severe ridicule, that they threw 
down the weapons of their rebellion much sooner than if a thousand 
bayonets had been pointed at their breasts. 

He was among the first delegates elected to the Continental Con- 
gress, and most cheerfully and fearlessly recorded his name on that 
declaration which has proved a consolation to the friends of freedom, 
but a Boanerges to the enemies of liberty. Always cheerful and 
sprightly, he contributed much in dispelling the gloom that often per- 
vaded the minds of his colleagues in the midst of disaster and defeat. 
He knew the cause was righteous — he believed that Heaven would 
crown it with triumphant victory and ultimate success. He had 
sacrificed a lucrative situation in the loan office, held under the 
crown, at the shrine of liberty; he had embarked his fortune, his life, 
and his sacred honour, in defence of his country — and, with all his 
humour and wit, he was firm and determined as a gladiator. With 
the fancy of a poet, he united the soundness of a sage; with the wit 
of a humorist, he united the sagacity of a politician. He succeeded 



JOSIAH BARTLETT. 1J7 

George Ross as Judge of the Admiralty court, and was subsequently 
one of the United States District Judges; and was highly esteemed 
for his judicial knowledge, impartial justice, and correct decisions. — 
He filled every station in which he was placed with credit, honour, 
and dignity. He continued to contribute, by his writings, much to- 
wards correcting the morals of society, by ridiculing its evils and. 
abuses — Sarcasm and satire, properly timed, and guided by a sound 
discretion, are the most powerful and cutting instruments ever wielded 
by man. Their smart upon the mind is like cantharides upon the skin, 
but often requires a more powerful remedy to heal it. The wit of 
Mr. Hopkinson was of a noble cast, flowing from a rich and chaste 
imagination, never violating the rules of propriety, always confined 
within the pale of modesty, but keen as a Damascus blade. He was an 
admirer of sound common sense, and a zealous advocate of common 
school education. He appreciated correctly the bone and sinew of 
our country, and knew well that the perpetuity of our liberties de- 
pends more upon the general diffusion of useful knowledge, fit for 
every day use in the various business concerns of life, than upon the 
high-toned literature of colleges and universities. He admired the 
industrious tradesman; he respected the honest farmer. In the yeo- 
manry of the soil and inmates of shops, he saw the defenders of our 
country. Mr. Hopkinson was like some rare flowers, that, while 
they please by their beauty, they possess powerful qualities to alle- 
viate distress and impart comfort. He was amiable and urbane in 
his manners; open and generous in his feelings; noble and liberal in 
his views; charitable and benevolent in his purposes; an agreeable 
and pleasant companion; a kind and faithful husband; an affectionate 
and tender parent; a stern and inflexible patriot; a consistent and 
active citizen; a valuable and honest man. 

His career was closed suddenly and prematurely by an apoplectic 
fit, on the 9th of May, 1791, in the 53d year of his age, and in the 
midst of his usefulness. He left a widow, two sons, and three daugh- 
ters, to mourn his untimely end, and their irreparable loss. 



JOSIAH BARTLETT. 

The profession of medicine in the hands of a skilful, honest, judi- 
cious, upright, and accomplished man, is one of the richest blessings 
in community, and one of the most honourable employments. Over 
his acquaintances, the influence of "the Doctor" is greater, when we 
include all classes, than that of any other profession; consequently, 
in the cause they espouse, physicians can wield an influence more 
powerful than many imagine. It is with pleasure I remark, that among 
the signers of the Declaration of Independence we find a goodly num- 
ber from this highly honourable and useful profession. 



US JOSIAH BARTLETT. 

Among them was Dr. Josiah Bartlett, who was the son of Stephen 
Bartlett, of Amesburg, Massachusetts. Josiah was born in Novem- 
ber, 1729. He early manifested a strong and vigorous mind, which 
was cultivated by an academical education. Possessing a retentive 
memory, he acquired the Latin and Greek languages, and finished 
the course assigned him at the early age of sixteen. He then com- 
menced the study of medicine under Dr. Ordway, and pursued it as- 
siduously for five years. He then commenced a successful practice 
at Kingston, where he soon became generally and favourably known 
and highly esteemed. Two years after he commenced his professional 
career, he was reduced so low with a fever that his physician gave up 
all hopes of his recovery. By an experiment of his own his life was 
saved. He induced those who were attending upon him to furnish 
him with cider, small and frequent quantities of which he took, a per- 
spiration ensued, the fever was checked, and he recovered. From 
this time forward, he closely watched in his patients the operations 
and wants of nature, and often successfully deviated from the stub- 
born rules that were laid down in books written in other countries and 
climates. With a physician of an acute and discerning judgment, 
matured by skill and experience, this practice is safe. Dr. Bartlett 
was the first who discovered, in that section of country, that the an- 
gina maligna tonsillaris, or canker, was putrid, instead of inflamma- 
tory, and the first who administered the successful remedy of Peru- 
vian bark for this disease. He also introduced the successful prac- 
tice of using antiphlogistic remedies for the cynanche maligna, or 
sore throat; by which disease hundreds of children were suddenly 
torn from the arms of their fond parents, three or four being fre- 
quently buried in one grave from the same family. Under the skilful 
hands of Dr. Bartlett this disease was checked in its career. 

Enjoying the unlimited confidence of his numerous acquaintances 
he was promoted to several important stations, both civil and military, 
under Governor Wentworth, discharging his duty with ability and 
approbation. In 1765 he was elected to the legislature of New Hamp- 
shire, where he soon became prominent from his steady and firm op- 
position to the infringements of the crown upon the rights of the colo- 
nists. Republican in all his views and feelings, he watched, with an 
eagle eye, the movements of the British ministry and the royalists 
around him. In granting charters to towns, the royal governors had 
uniformly reserved to themselves, and for the use of episcopal churches, 
the cream of the location. This injustice roused the indignation of 
the advocates of justice and equal rights, among whom Dr. Bartlett 
stood in the foremost rank. The burdens of taxation by the mother 
country were also severely felt and strenuously resisted. In eft'ecting 
their early settlements, the colonists had been left unaided and unpro- 
tected to struggle with the stubborn wilderness and cruel savage. 
They were now unwilling to allow themselves to be stripped of their 
hard earnings to gratify the extravagant luxuries and avarice of the 
creatures of the crown. Resistance was natural — it was right. Taxa- 
tion and representation are inseparable principles; without the one 
the other should not, cannot exist with an enlightened people. Power 



JOSIAH BARTLETT. |19 

is not always a creature of justice, and often adopts the principle 
that "might makes right." Upon this corrupt and sandy founda- 
tion the British ministry based their conduct towards the colonies. 
Starting upon these false premises, their harsh measures recoiled upon 
them with a force that levelled their superstructure to the dust. For 
a time the cords of oppression were partially slackened, the stamp act 
was repealed, a spirit of conciliation seemed to pervade the heart of 
the king, but his old preceptor, lord Bute, in conjunction with lord 
North, soon induced him to sanction measures more oppressive and 
arbitrary than those previously complained of. The tax on tea was 
received with more indignation than the stamp act, and the popular 
rage soon rose to a foaming fury. 

Governor Wentworth thought to secure Dr. Bartlett by appointing 
him a member of the judiciary; but he could not be seduced by any 
trappings from the crown, and continued to oppose the innovations 
of the royalists. The minority in the legislature, to which the doctor 
belonged, was fast increasing, and to prevent a majority against his 
own views, the governor obtained the king's writ for three new mem- 
bers from townships not entitled to an additional representation. 
This act of injustice disgusted many of the members who had not 
espoused the cause of liberal principles, and determined them to 
enlist under the banner of freedom. Opposition grew bolder under 
every act of oppression; private meetings were held, committees 
of correspondence and safety were appointed, a concert of feeling 
was produced through most of the colonies, and plans of resistance 
were rapidly taking the place of petitions to the king. Governor Went- 
worth several times dissolved the assembly at the commencement of 
its sessions, until he so exasperated the members and people as to vir- 
tually dissolve his own authority, and was obliged to seek safety on 
board the man-of-war Forney. The three new members had been ex- 
pelled from the legislative body, a warfare commenced between the 
adherents of the crown and the friends of equal rights; Dr. Bartlett 
and others were deprived of all authority within the control of the 
governor, the line of demarcation was drawn, and the tocsin of war 
was sounded. 

Dr. Bartlett was one of the members elected by the eighty-five 
delegates convened for the purpose at Exeter, on the first of July, 
1774, to meet the general Congress at Philadelphia. In consequence 
of the recent destruction of his house by fire he was compelled to de- 
cline the appointment at that time, but in September of the year fol- 
lowing he took his seat in that patriotic body. Simultaneous with 
his election to Congress, he was appointed to the command of a regi- 
ment of provincial troops. In Congress he performed his duties with 
great zeal, industry, and ability. He was uniformly placed on the 
most important committees, whose duties occupied their time until a 
late hour at night. Congress met at nine in the morning, and sat 
until four in the afternoon. After this hour the arduous duties of the 
committees were performed. When we contemplate the labours of 
the Continental Congress, surrounded as they were by difficulties on 
every side, a tremendous storm bursting over their heads, retreating 



120 JOSIAH BARTLETT. 

from place to place before a victorious foe; their country bleeding at 
every pore, without resources, their army almost annihilated, the 
only rational conclusion to be drawn how they were sustained is de- 
rived from the fact, that many of its members were consistent and 
devoted christians, firmly relying upon Him who rules the destinies 
of nations to support them and crown their efforts with victory and 
success. Nor did they trust in vain. 

In 1776, Dr. Bartlett was again elected to Congress and took a 
conspicuous part in the discussion of separating from the mother 
country. Amongst the patriots there were many who doubted the 
propriety of this determination in consequence of their weakness. A 
concert of feeling was eventually produced and a decided majority 
declared in favour of emancipation. On the fourth of July the final 
question was put to each member. Commencing with the most, northern 
colony, Dr. Bartlett was the first who was called. Firmly relying on 
the justice of the cause, with his eyes raised to heaven, he responded 
yea and amen; and laid the first stone in the base of the fair fabric of 
liberty, now towering in majesty over our happy land. Next to the 
president, the venerable John Hancock, Dr. Bartlett was the first who 
signed that invaluable instrument which gave our nation birth, and 
at one bold effort burst the chains of slavery and dissolved the 
power that had been swayed, with an iron hand, over the oppressed 
and bleeding colonies. 

Worn down with the fatigue of arduous duties, Dr. Bartlett found 
his health declining and was not able to take his seat in Congress 
after the close of this session, until 1778. He was, however, enabled 
to be useful to his native state in her civil departments, and also aided 
greatly in raising troops for the northern army. When Congress as- 
sembled at York Town Dr. Bartlett again resumed his seat. Al- 
though re-elected to the succeeding term, this was the last of his 
attendance in that body. His domestic concerns had suffered from 
his absence in the public service, and he obtained leave to remain at 
home. His services were immediately required by his fellow citizens 
of New Hampshire. He was appointed chief justice of the common 
pleas and muster master of the troops, then enlisting for the conti- 
nental service. In 1782 he was appointed a justice of the superior 
court, and six years after, chief justice. 

The usefulness of Dr. Bartlett did not close with the war. Al- 
though victory had crowned the efforts of the patriots, and their inde- 
pendence had been achieved, much remained to be done. Numerous 
conflicting interests were to be reconciled, a system of government 
was to be organized, an enormous debt was to be paid, many abuses 
and corruptions were to be corrected, a concert of feeling and action to 
be produced, and the art of self-government to be learned. In my 
view the wisdom of the patriots and sages of the revolution shone more 
conspicuously in perfecting our system of government, than in driving 
the foe from our shores. It is a task of no small magnitude to reduce 
a nation from a seven years' war to a civil and quiet government, en- 
tirely different from the one to which it has been accustomed. It often 
requires more sagacity and wisdom to retain and enjoy, than to obtain 
an object. 



JOSIAH BARTLETT. J 21 

Thus, with regard to our independence, after it was obtained, storms 
arose that threatened utter destruction and ruin. It required the com- 
bined wisdom of the wisest legislators to preserve it. Long and ar- 
duous were the labours that effected a confederated consolidation. 
During the time this subject was under discussion, many of the states 
were shook to their very centre by internal commotions. That con- 
cert of action and feeling that had carried the people triumphantly 
through the revolution, was now, with a great mass of the community, 
lost in the whirlpool of selfishness. Fortunately for our country and the 
cause of liberty, those who stood at the helm during the storm of war 
still remained at their posts. Their labours resulted in the adoption 
of that constitution under which we have enjoyed a prosperity before 
unknown. Dr. Bartlett was a member of the convention of his native 
state for the adoption of the consolidating instrument, and gave it his 
warm and efficient support. In 1789 he was chosen a member of the 
national senate, the next year president of New Hampshire, and in 
1793 he was elected the first governor of the state. He enjoyed uni- 
versal confidence and esteem, and discharged his duties with so much 
wisdom and integrity, that slander and envy could find no crevice for 
an entering wedge. Worn down by years of arduous toil, old age 
fastening its wrinkled hand upon him, and the confines of the eternal 
world just before him, he resigned his authority and closed his public 
career on the 29th of January, 1794, covered with laurels of immortal 
fame, without a spot to tarnish the glory of his bright escutcheon. 

Governor Bartlett now retired to private life, anticipating the 
enjoyments that are peculiarly pleasing to men who accept of public 
stations from a sense of duty rather than a desire to acquire popu- 
larity for the sake of advancement. But his fond anticipations were 
soon blasted. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him, his 
amiable wife had died six years before, the world had lost its charms, 
and, on the 19th of May, 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of 
clay, ascended to Him who gave it, leaving a nation to mourn the loss 
of one of its brightest ornaments, one of its noblest patriots. 

In the life of this estimable man, we behold one of the fairest pic- 
tures spread on the pages of history. His public career was of that 
discreet and solid character, calculated to impart enduring and sub- 
stantial usefulness. Without dazzling the eyes of every beholder, 
his course was onward in the cause of philanthropy and human rights. 
He could look back upon a life well spent; he stood acquitted and 
approved at the dread tribunal of conscience. He had nobly acted 
his part, fulfilled the design of his creation, discharged his duty to 
his country and his God, and filled the measure of his glory. 

In his private character he was all that we could desire in a patriot, 
a citizen, a friend, a husband, a father and a christian. No man 
was more highly esteemed by all who knew him — no man more richly 
deserved it. 



16 



122 



ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 

Those who are familiar with the history of England, with her con- 
stitution, with her great Magna Charta, and with the usurpations of 
men in power upon the rights of British subjects at various periods, 
can readily conceive why so many men of high attainments and libe- 
ral minds immigrated to America. Disgusted with oppression at home 
they sought liberty abroad. The cause that prompted them to leave 
their native land, impelled them to action when imported tyranny in- 
vaded their well-earned privileges. The mind of every immigrant 
patriot was as well prepared to meet the crisis of the revolution, as 
that of a native citizen. The feelings created by remembered inju- 
ries, which drove them from the mother country, rendered them as 
formidable opponents to the unjust pretensions of the crown as those 
who had never breathed the atmosphere of Europe. 

In tracing our own history back to the early settlements, we find 
an almost constant struggle between the people and the officers sent 
by the king to govern them; the former claiming their inherent rights, 
the latter frequently infringing them. 

Among those whom at an early period boldly espoused the cause of 
freedom was Edward Middleton, the great grandfather of the subject 
of this brief sketch, who immigrated from Great Britain near the close 
of the seventeenth century, and settled in South Carolina. His son, 
Arthur Middleton, imbibed all the feelings of his father, and in 1719, 
when the crown officers became insolent beyond endurance, he stood 
at the head of the opposition that boldly demanded and obtained their 
removal. His son, Henry Middleton, the father of Arthur, whose 
biographette is my present object, also inherited the same bold patriot- 
ism, and took a conspicuous part in rousing his fellow citizens to ac- 
tion at the commencement of the revolution. 

Arthur Middleton, the subject of this memoir, was born in 1743, 
at Middleton place, on the banks of Ashley river, where his father 
owned a beautiful plantation. His mother was a Miss Williams, the 
only child of a wealthy and reputable planter. Arthur was the eldest 
of his father's children, and received all the advantages of an early 
education. At the age of twelve years he was placed in the celebrated 
seminary of Hackney, near London, and two years after, was transfer- 
red to the classic seat of learning at Westminster. He applied him- 
self with great industry to his studies, excelling in all he undertook, 
and gained the esteem and respect of those around him. In his nine- 
teenth year he became a student at the University of Cambridge, and 
four years after, graduated with the degree of bachelor of arts, a pro- 
found scholar and a virtuous man. Trivial amusements and dissipa- 
tion, which had ensnared many of his classmates, had no charms for 
him. Although an heir to wealth and liberally supplied with money, 
economy was his governing principle, wisdom his constant guide. 



ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 123 

After he had completed his education he spent nearly two years in 
travelling, making the tour of Europe. Familiar with the Greek and 
Roman classics, he enjoyed peculiar satisfaction in visiting Rome 
and other ancient seats of literature. He possessed an exquisite taste 
for poetry, music, and painting, and was well versed in all the tech- 
nicalities of sculpture and architecture. After completing this tour 
he returned home. Soon after his arrival, he led the amiable and 
accomplished Miss Izard, daughter of Walter Izard, to the hymeneal 
altar. 

About a year after, he embarked with his wife for England. After 
enjoying a pleasant season with their friends and connexions there, 
they visited France and Spain, and in 1773, i-eturned home and lo- 
cated on his native spot, which his father bestowed upon him, placing 
him at once in possession of an ample fortune. 

Having resided so long in Great Britain, possessed of an observing 
mind, tracing causes and results to their true source, he was well 
qualified to aid in directing the destiny of his country through the 
approaching revolution. Rocked in the cradle of patriotism by his 
father, tracing its fair lines in the history of his ancestors, he acted 
from the genuine feelings of his heart when he boldly espoused the 
cause of liberal principles and human rights. The Middletons were 
the nucleus of the opposition in South Carolina. Unlike many others 
who mounted the stage of public action for the first time, untried and 
almost unknown, this family had been proved and their influence was 
felt throughout the colony, and was known in the mother country. 
Hence the importance of their services at the commencement of the 
doubtful struggle, and for the same reason they were peculiarly ob- 
noxious to the creatures of the crown. Aristocracy, too often the 
attendant of riches, found no resting place in their bosoms. The very 
marrow of their bones was republican, and to defend their country's 
rights they freely pledged "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred 
honours." 

Arthur Middleton was a member of the different committees that 
were appointed by the people to devise means of safety. On the 17th 
of April, 1775, he was one of the committee of five, in South Caro- 
lina, that determined to have recourse to arms, and under whose di- 
rection the royal magazine was entered, in defiance of the king's offi- 
cers, and its contents put into the hands of the people for their de- 
fence. 

On the 14th of June following, the provincial Congress of this state 
appointed a council of safety, consisting of thirteen persons, of whom 
Arthur Middleton was one. They were fully authorized to organize 
a military force, and adopt such measures as they deemed necessary 
to arrest the mad career of the royalists. Mr. Middleton was one of 
its boldest and most decided members, and appears to have been much 
chagrined at the temporizing spirit of some of his colleagues. 

That he possessed a penetrating sagacity as well as a firm patriot- 
ism, appears from the following circumstance. 

During the session of the first provincial Congress of South Caro- 
lina, the new governor, Lord William Campbell, fresh from his ma- 
jesty, arrived to enter upon the duties of reducing the rebellious sub- 



124 ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 

jects to subordination. He was all mildness and did not pretend to 
justify the oppressions of which the people complained. To prove his 
sincerity, Captain Adam M'Donald, one of the council, was intro- 
duced to Lord William as a tory from the upper country, who 
seemed anxious to have some means devised to put down the rebels. 
The plan succeeded. The governor desired him and his friends to 
remain quiet for the present, as he expected troops in a short time that 
would put a quietus upon the new f angled authorities. 

When the report of this interview was laid before the council, Mr. 
Middleton, although nearly related to the governor by marriage, made 
a motion to have him immediately arrested and confined. This mea- 
sure was too bold for his timid companions, a majority of whom voted 
against it. Soon after, his excellency retired on board a British sloop 
of war and did not venture to return until accompanied by Sir Henry 
Clinton and Sir Peter Parker, who showed more bravery than judg- 
ment in their unsuccessful attack on Fort Moultrie. In this engage- 
ment Sir William was severely wounded, and Sir Peter had his silk 
breeches badly mutilated by the unceremonious course of a rebel can- 
non ball. 

On the 11th of February. 1776, Mr. Middleton was one of the com- 
mittee that drafted the first constitution of his native state. Soon 
after this he was elected a member to the Continental Congress, tak- 
ing a conspicuous part in its deliberations. Bold in all his movements, 
he advocated, and by his signature sanctioned the declaration of inde- 
pendence, then called by many the death-warrant of the fifty-six, but 
ultimately proving the warrant of liberty, the morning star of free- 
dom. Mr. Middleton was a man of few words in debate — these few 
words were to the point, and gave him a substantial influence in every 
legislative body of which he was a member. He stood at the head of 
the delegation of his state. He possessed a strong mind, a clear head, 
and a good heart. He exercised plain common sense, attending dili- 
gently to the business of his constituents and his country. He was 
on the most intimate terms with John Hancock and was by him highly 
esteemed. He remained in Congress until the close of the session of 
1777. The following year he was elected governor of South Caro- 
lina, not knowing that he was a candidate until his election was an- 
nounced. The mode was by secret ballot by the members of the 
assembly, who had not then learned the art of intrigue and caucus- 
ing — merit was the only passport to office — management and corruption 
dared not show their hydra heads. 

For the same reasons that induced Governor Rutledge to resign a 
few days previous, Mr. Middleton declined accepting the proffered 
honour. These reasons were founded in objections to a new consti- 
tution, then before the legislature for adoption, and which required 
the sanction of the chief magistrate of the state before it could go into 
operation. Mr. Rawlins Lowndes was then elected, who approved 
the new form of government on the 19th of March, 1778. Political 
candour and honesty were marked traits in the character of Arthur 
Middleton. No inducements could swerve him from the path of recti- 
tude. He weighed measures, men, and things, in the unerring scales 



ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 125 

of reason and justice. He went with no man when clearly wrong, he 
concurred with all whom he believed right. Patriotism, pure and 
unalloyed, governed his every action. Discretion, the helm of man's 
frail bark, guided him in the path of duty. Philanthropy and love of 
country pervaded his manly bosom. He was sound at the core. His 
mind was pure and free as mountain air; his purposes, noble, bold, 
and patriotic. 

In 1779, when the British spread terror and destruction over South 
Carolina, Mr. Middleton took the field with Governor Rutledge, and 
cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. He was at Charleston 
when General Provost attacked that place, and was found in the front 
ranks acting with great coolness and courage. Knowing that the plun- 
dering enemy would visit his plantation, he sent word to his lady to 
remove out of danger, but took no means to remove his property, which 
fell a sacrifice to the mercenary army. They did not burn but rifled 
his house, and several large and valuable paintings that they could 
not carry away they defaced in the most shameful manner. 

At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, Mr. Middleton was among 
the prisoners sent to St. Augustine, and endured the indignities there 
practised upon the Americans with heroic fortitude. In July of the 
following year he was included in the general exchange, and arrived 
safe at Philadelphia. He was shortly after appointed a member of Con- 
gress, and again assumed the important duties of legislation. Soon 
after this, the last important act of the revolutionary tragedy was per- 
formed atYorktown, where the heroes of the revolutionary stage and 
of our nation took a closing benefit at the expense of British pride and 
kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis the last 
hope of the crown expired in all the agonies of mortification. Had a 
spirit of retaliation predominated in the bosom of Washington, awful 
would have been the doom of his barbarian, desolating foe. But he 
possessed a noble soul that soared above revenge. He sunk his ene- 
my into the lowest depths of humiliation by kindness and generosity. 

In 1782, Mr. Middleton was again elected to Congress, where he 
continued until November, when he visited his family, from whom he 
had long been separated. At the declaration of peace he declined a 
seat in the national legislature, believing the interests of his own state 
required his services at home. He was highly instrumental in restor- 
ing order, harmony, and stability in the government of South Caro- 
lina. He was several times a member of its legislature, and used 
every exertion to advance its prosperity. During the intervals of his 
public duties he spent his time in improving his desolated plantation, 
the place of his birth, and of the tomb of his venerable ancestors. He 
once more participated in the enjoyments of domestic felicity and 
fondly anticipated years of happiness. But, alas! how uncertain are 
all sublunary things. In the autumn of 1786, he was attacked with 
an intermittent fever, which paved the way for disease that terminated 
his life on the first of January, 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and six 
daughters, to mourn their irreparable loss. By the public he was 
deeply lamented. His memory was held in great veneration by his 
contemporaries. He had a strong hold upon the affections of his fel- 



126 JAMES WILSON. 

low citizens. Those who knew him best esteemed him most. In his 
private character he was a consolation to his friends, an ornament to 
society, a consistent, honest, and virtuous man. His wife lived until 
1814, highly respected and beloved. The example of a good man is 
visible philosophy; the memory of departed worth "lives undivided, 
operates unspent." 



, JAMES WILSON. 

Among the strange freaks of human nature is that of inconsistency, 
showing itself in as many shapes and forms as are exhibited by the 
kaleidescope, but of a contrary character. One of its most odious 
features is persecution, prompted by jealousy and promulgated by 
slander and falsehood. Great and good men are often the victims 
of unprincipled and designing partisans, who stop at nothing and 
stoop to every thing calculated to accomplish their unholy desires. 
In recurring to the eventful period of the American revolution, we 
would naturally suppose that party spirit found no place in the bo- 
soms of any of those who advocated the principles of liberty; that all 
were united in the common cause against the common enemy. This 
is the impression upon the minds of many, perhaps all who are not 
familiar with the history of the local politics of that period. But far 
otherwise was the fact. Many of the best men of that trying time 
were scourged and lacerated, and their noblest exertions for a time 
paralyzed by the reckless hand of party spirit. No one, perhaps, 
suffered more from this source, and no one gave less room for cen- 
sure than James Wilson. 

He was born of respectable parents, residing near St. Andrews, 
Scotland, in 1742. His father was a farmer, in moderate circum- 
stances, which he rendered still more limited by rushing into the 
whirlpool of speculation, a propensity which unfortunately seems to 
have been transmitted to his son. After receiving a good classical 
education, having been a worthy student at St. Andrews, Edinburgh, 
and Glasgow, James was finished under the master hand of Dr. Blair, 
in rhetoric, and of Dr. Watts, in logic. Thus fitly prepared, he immi- 
grated to Philadelphia in 1766, with letters of high recommendation, 
and soon obtained the situation of usher in the college of that city. 
His moral worth, combined with fine talents and high literary attain- 
ments, gained for him the esteem and marked respect of Dr. Richard 
Peters, Bishop White, and many others of the first rank in society. 
Indeed, those who knew him best admired him most. 

He subsequently commenced the study of law under John Dickin- 
son, Esq. and when admitted to the practice, settled permanently 
at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, where he exhibited powers of mind sur- 



JAMES WILSON. 127 

passed by no one at that bar, and equalled but by few in the pro- 
vince. 

A powerful display of his legal knowledge and Ciceronean elo- 
quence at the trial of an important land cause between the Proprie- 
taries and Samuel Wallace, gained for him an early celebrity in his 
profession. Mr. Chew, who was then attorney-general, is said to 
have fixed his eyes upon him soon after he commenced his speech, 
and to have gazed at him with admiring astonishment until he con- 
cluded. He was immediately retained in another important land 
case, and from that time forward he stood second to no one at the 
Pennsylvania bar. He removed from Carlisle to Annapolis, in Mary- 
land, where he remained a year, and then removed to Philadelphia, 
where he obtained a lucrative practice. 

Notwithstanding the liberal patronage of the public, his circum- 
stances frequently became embarrassed by unfortunate speculations, 
to which he frequently became a victim. Amidst his severest adver- 
sities he frequently sent remittances to his mother, in Scotland, his 
father having died and left her poor. To the day of her death he 
manifested an earnest and commendable solicitude for her comfort, 
and used every means within his power to alleviate her wants and 
smooth her downward path to the tomb. 

With the commencement of British oppression the political career 
of Mr. Wilson began. He freely spoke and ably wrote in favour of 
equal rights and liberal principles. He was an early, zealous, and 
able advocate of the American cause. Of a consistent and reflecting 
mind, he sometimes censured the rashness of those who were less 
cool, which laid the foundation for many unjust and malicious slan- 
ders against him, which, in the dark fog of party spirit, several 
times enabled his enemies to obtain a momentary triumph over him, 
but which were always fully and satisfactorily confuted. 

In 1774, a short time previous to the meeting of the Continental 
Congress, the provincial convention of Pennsylvania convened to con- 
cert plans for the redress of wrongs imposed by the mother country, 
of which Mr. Wilson was a bold and efficient member. So conspi- 
cuous were his talents and so pure his patriotism, that he was nomi- 
nated by the same convention one of the delegates to the national 
assembly. His appointment was opposed by Mr. Galloway, who had 
long been his bitter enemy; but on the sixth of May, 1775, he was 
appointed a member of that august body. At the commencement of 
hostilities he was honoured with the commission of colonel, and was 
one of the commissioners to treat with the Indians. He was conti- 
nued a member of Congress until 1777, when his enemies again suc- 
ceeded in their machinations against him. 

On the 4th of July, 1776, Mr. Wilson, with a bold and fearless 
hand, guided by love of country and motives pure as heaven, gave 
his vote in favour of independence, and subscribed his name to that 
matchless instrument which records the birth of our nation and liberty. 
That act alone was sufficient to confute the base slanders circulated 
against him, in the minds of all whose eyes were not covered by the 
baneful and deceptive film of party spirit. At the shrine of this 



128 JAMES WILSON. 

dread Moloch, our country's glory has been too often sacrificed. No 
purity of heart, no brilliancy of talent, no pre-eminence of worth, can 
save a man from the vile attacks of party spirit. Even Washington, 
the father of his country, often writhed under its withering lash. 
Some men seem born demagogues, and live under the influence of 
Gog and Magog during their whole lives. 

As a member of the Continental Congress, Mr. Wilson acted well 
his part, and was esteemed as one of its most active and useful 
delegates. Coolness and consistency, marked characteristics of the 
Scotch nation, were the crimes of Mr. Wilson, on which his enemies 
based an accusation that he was not a pure patriot, and that he op- 
posed the declaration of independence. But those who knew him 
well soon convinced the people of the falsity of the slander, and the 
character of this great and good man shone with renewed brightness. 

On the twelfth of November, 1782, he was again elected to the 
national legislature, and the same year was appointed one of the coun- 
sellors and agents of Pennsylvania to attend the court of commis- 
sioners at Trenton, to which was referred the final determination of 
the protracted controversy between Connecticut and the Common- 
wealth relative to certain lands claimed by the latter within the 
limits of the former, situated in Wyoming valley. 

The luminous and unanswerable arguments of Mr. Wilson, which 
lasted for several days, contributed, in no small degree, to influence 
that court to determine in favour of Pennsylvania, and put at rest for 
ever an angry litigation of years. 

During the interim in which he was not a member of Congress he 
held the office of Advocate General for the French nation, which led 
him to the close investigation of national and maritime law. At the 
close of his services, the French king rewarded him with ten thou- 
sand livres. He was at the same time a director of the bank of North 
America, and had the full confidence of Robert Morris as a safe and 
able adviser in financial matters. 

As an active, clear headed, and discreet member of the most 
important committees, Mr. Wilson stood in the front rank. He 
weighed every subject with a mathematical judgment, and traced all 
its bearings with the compass of wisdom. 

He arrived at the desired goal with less parade but with more 
certainty than many others, whose zeal was more impetuous but not 
more pure than his. He sought more to bestow lasting benefits upon 
his bleeding country than to excite the huzzas and gaze of the multi- 
tude. Substantial usefulness is not always found in the foaming 
froth of popularity. It lives and is admired long after that transient 
vapour has disappeared and left its subject to repose in the peaceful 
shades of oblivion. Those who become inflated and rise by the 
power of party, vain pride and flattery, may soar aloft in the politi- 
cal atmosphere, followed by the eyes of thousands, but rely upon it, 
in a large majority of instances, their every action is dependent upon 
these subtile gases, and they will ultimately prove to be a mere bag of 
wind. Modest worth avoids etherial excursions; the terra firma of 
deep thought, calm reflection, and sound discretion, constitute its 



JAMES WILSON. 129 

most congenial clime. It consents to launch into the revolving vor- 
tex of party with great reluctance, and nothing but a sense of duty 
to his country and fellow citizens, can induce a man of genuine merit 
to enter the vexatious arena of politics. How many such men are 
now in public stations, guarding the rights and directing the destiny 
of our nation, is a subject worthy of anxious and careful inquiry. If 
the people are not true to themselves, demagogues may easily ride 
into office who will not be true to them. 

Mr. Wilson was one of the most useful members of the convention 
that formed our national constitution. He warmly opposed the ap- 
pointment of delegates to Congress by the legislatures of the several 
states, and was powerfully instrumental in placing their election in 
the hands of the people. He was one of the committee which framed 
that important document, as first reported to the delegates. When 
this model of wisdom received its finishing stroke, Mr. Wilson 
warmly advocated its adoption. He was the only member from 
Pennsylvania of the national convention that framed the constitu- 
tion who had a seat in the convention of that state convened to con- 
sider its provisions. His closing remarks in favour of its acceptance 
are worthy the attention of this enlightened age. They manifest a 
thorough acquaintance with human nature and with the circumstances 
that prompted many to dissent from its ratification. 

"It is neither unexpected nor extraordinary, that the constitution 
offered to your consideration should meet with opposition. It is the 
nature of man to pursue his own interest in preference to the public 
good; and I do not mean to make any personal reflection when I 
add, that it is the interest of a very numerous, powerful, and respect- 
able body, to counteract and destroy the excellent work produced by 
the late convention. All the officers of government and all the ap- 
pointments for the administration of justice and the collection of the 
public revenue which are transferred from the individual to the ag- 
gregate sovereignty of the states, will necessarily turn the influence 
and emolument into a new channel. Every person, therefore, who 
either enjoys or expects to enjoy a place of profit under the present 
establishment, will object to the proposed innovation; — not in truth, 
because it is injurious to the liberties of his country, but because it 
affects his schemes of wealth and consequence. I will confess, in- 
deed, that I am not a blind admirer of this plan of government, and 
that there are some parts of it which, if my wish had prevailed, would 
certainly have been altered. But when I reflect how widely men 
differ in their opinions, and that every man — and the observation ap- 
plies likewise to every state — has an equal pretension to assert his 
own, I am satisfied that any thing nearer to perfection could not have 
been accomplished. If there are errors, it should be remembered 
that the seeds of reformation are sown in the work itself, and the con- 
currence of two-thirds of the Congress may, at any time, introduce 
alterations and amendments. Regarding it, then, in every point of 
view, with a candid, disinterested mind, I am bold to assert, that it 

IS THE BEST FORM OF GOVERNMENT WHICH HAS EVER BEEN OFFERED TO 
THE WORLD." 
17 



X30 JAMES WILSON. 

Mr. Wilson was also a member of the convention to alter the con- 
stitution of Pennsylvania, where he acted a very conspicuous part in 
defending the elective franchise, as belonging exclusively to the so- 
vereign people. The last vestige of aristocracy trembled beneath his 
powerful eloquence, and the last whisper of slander against his pure, 
unsophisticated democracy, was forever silenced and hushed. 

The boldest features of liberal principles in the old revised consti- 
tution of Pennsylvania were penned by James Wilson; and, could 
his views have been fully incorporated in that instrument, I doubt 
much if a convention would ever have been called for its revision. 

That the talents and integrity of Mr. Wilson were held in high 
estimation by Washington, appears from the fact, that he was ap- 
pointed one of the first Judges of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, in which office he continued until his death, discharging its 
duties with great ability, integrity, and justice. His manner was 
dignified, urbane, and pleasing. 

In 1790, he was appointed the first professor in the law college of 
Philadelphia, and the following year, when the college and university 
of Pennsylvania were united, he was called to fill the chair. In 
1791, he was appointed by the legislature of that state to revise its 
laws, but a disagreement of the two houses relative to the disburse- 
ments necessary to prosecute the work, frustrated the plan. As a 
learned and eloquent lawyer, he stood at the head of the Philadelphia 
bar. He was honoured with the degree of LL.D. and, during the 
first year of his professorship, delivered a course of lectures to the 
students. Towards them he was reserved and distant, another 
marked characteristic of the Scotch literati. His writings were vigo- 
rous and logical, and did much to disseminate just conceptions of a 
republican form of government. As early as 1774, he wrote an essay, 
portraying, in language bold and strong, the assumptions of the Bri- 
tish parliament not warranted by their constitution, and painted, in 
fascinating colours, the blessings arising from a republican form of 
government and the enjoyment of equal rights. To a person unac- 
quainted with the bitterness of party feeling, it must seem mysteri- 
ous that any one could have been found so base as to accuse him of 
being an aristocrat. A purer patriot and an abler advocate for the 
cause of freedom did not exist among the statesmen and sages of '76. 
He several times passed through the ordeal of severe and relentless 
persecution, but truth-telling time, in every instance, forced his ene- 
mies to retrace their steps, covered with shame and disgrace. 

The private character of this truly great man was, in all respects, 
amiable and untarnished. It always stood beyond the reach of slan- 
der, a pure, unsullied sheet. As a friend, he was warm-hearted and 
benevolent; as a husband, kind and affectionate; as a father, discreet 
and exemplary; consistently indulgent, and faithful in imparting that 
instruction and advice to his children calculated to prepare them for 
future usefulness and respect. 

In 1798, on the 28th of August, this venerable sage, eminent lawyer, 
able statesman, and profound judge, took his exit "to that country 
from whose bourne no traveller returns," in the fifty-sixth year of 



JAMES WILSON. 13X 

his age. He died whilst on his circuit, of stranguary, in the hospita- 
ble mansion of his colleague, Judge Iredell, in Edenton, North Caro- 
lina, where his ashes rest in peace beneath the clods of the valley. 

In reviewing the life of this worthy man, no one can doubt his pa- 
triotism and purity. No one can doubt his devotedness to the Ame- 
rican cause and his firm and uniform opposition to British oppres- 
sion. Influenced, as he was, by the noblest motives; guided, as he 
was, by liberal principles, it is painful to reflect, that he was often 
wounded in the house of his professed friends, and placed under the 
castigating lash of persecution by those who had sworn to support the 
same cause he so ardently and ably espoused. The solution of the 
problem may be found in the present state of things, without travelling 
back to that time, of all others, when party should have hidden its 
hydra head. 

At the present day, the dark intrigues of party are proverbial. 
Low cunning is practised by men in the same ranks, to over-reach 
an approaching rival, and all the machinery of slander put in requisi- 
tion to destroy him. Is he a man of superior talents and worth? 
Means proportionably base must be resorted to, in order to insure his 
destruction and drive him from the course. Disgusted at such cor- 
ruption, the very men best calculated to advance our dearest interests 
and add new lustre to our national glory, are those who most dread 
the political arena and shrink from the public gaze. How small a 
proportion of such men as James Wilson, Benjamin Franklin, and 
others of the same stamina, are now to be found in our legislative 
halls. We pay large sums of money every year for party legislation, 
and but a small proportion of business is accomplished, calculated to 
benefit our country. Let the people, the yeomanry, awake to this 
subject, and no longer be led blindfold towards the vortex of de- 
struction. Unless we are true to ourselves, we need not expect pu- 
rity in our legislators. The genuine salt grows less and less as time 
advances, and a dangerous carelessness is annually manifested in 
selecting men of proper industry and purity of moral and republi- 
can principles to transact our public business. Some of them are 
victims of the artful and designing, or are mere partisans, legislating 
for themselves and their immediate friends more than for the ad- 
vancement of public good and national glory. These are facts that 
are self-evident to every reflecting, observing man, facts that demand 
our serious attention and timely correction, before the unholy leaven 
extends its baneful influence so far as to destroy our beautiful fabric 
of liberty, and prostrate, at one bold stroke, the hopes of freemen. 



132 



CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON. 

The fond and faithful parents who have guided to manhood a 
family of sons whose every action is a source of pleasure and delight, 
who walk in wisdom's ways, who prove themselves to be bold, gene- 
rous, brave, virtuous, and patriotic; whose lives shed new lustre upon 
the world, and whose achievements, on the battle field or in the 
senate chamber, place them on the loftiest, proudest pinnacle fame 
can rear, enjoy a rich, a heavenly consolation, pure as the etherial 
skies and cheering as the zephyrs of spring. More especially do 
their souls become enraptured with gratitude, if these, their sons, de- 
liver them from the iron grasp of a merciless tyrant, disenthral them 
from the chains of slavery, and make them free and independent. 

All this was done for our country by her valiant sons, who graced 
the memorable era of T6. Like a meteor bursting from the clouds 
amidst the gloom of midnight darkness, they illuminated the world 
with glory, raised the star spangled banner, and planted the tree 
of liberty deep in the soil of freedom. Sages and heroes of the 
American revolution! noble sons of Columbia's new world! your 
names will be held in grateful remembrance through the rolling ages 
of time, and millions yat unborn will rehearse your brilliant achieve- 
ments and triumphant victories, with admiration and praise. 

Among jthe sons of noble daring who stood forth the champions of 
their injured and bleeding country, was Charles Carroll, of Carroll- 
ton, in the state of Maryland. 

This good man, accomplished gentleman, finished scholar, and bold 
patriot, was born at Annapolis, on the 20th of September, 1737. He 
was the grandson of Charles Carroll, son of Daniel Carroll, of King's 
county, Ireland, the former of whom immigrated to Maryland about 
1686, and located at Carrollton. The elder Carrolls were always 
found in the foremost rank of those who espoused the cause of liberal 
principles, and taught their sons to go and do likewise. Nor did the 
seed sown by them fall on a barren soil. Imitating the examples and 
obeying the precepts of his patriotic sire, young Charles proved him- 
self worthy of the high source from whence he sprang. At the early 
age of eight years, his embryo talents shone so conspicuously that 
his father determined on giving them an opportunity to bud, blossom, 
and expand, amidst the literary bowers, and under the cultivation of 
a master's hand in Europe. 

He was accordingly sent to France, where his advantages of ac- 
quiring an education were far superior to those then enjoyed in any 
of the infant seminaries of the colonies in America. His unremitting 
application to his studies and urbanity of manners, obtained for him 
a finished education and the esteem of his teachers and class-mates. 



CHARLES CARROLL. 133 

At the age of twenty, he entered upon the study of law in London, 
where he ripened into manhood, and returned to his native state in 
1764, with a rich and enduring fund of useful knowledge, prepared to 
act well his part through future life. 

The subject of American oppression by the British ministry was 
freely discussed in England during his stay, and had prepared his 
mind' for the exciting crisis that awaited the colonies. In Charles 
Carroll, of Carrollton, the friends of freedom and equal rights found 
an unflinching and able advocate, and the enemies of liberty an un- 
compromising but manly opposer. He possessed a clear head, a good 
heart, and a discriminating mind. In action, he was cool and deli- 
berate, firm and decisive. As a lawyer, he was learned, lucid, and 
logical; as a statesman, bold, discreet, and industrious; as a patriot, 
pure, disinterested, and zealous; as a christian, devoted, exemplary, 
and consistent; and as a gentleman, urbane, accomplished, and cour- 
teous. His talent for writing was also of a high order. This was 
fully developed in 1772, in a controversy between the people and the 
king's governor, who had issued a proclamation derogatory to their 
inalienable rights. In a series of communications published in the 
public papers, Mr. Carroll boldly, ably, and triumphantly espoused 
the people's cause, answering conclusively and confuting completely 
the combined arguments of the governor's cabinet in favour of the 
pretensions of their master. So fully were the people convinced by 
the essays of Mr. Carroll that they were clearly right, that they hung 
the proclamation upon a gallows, and bid defiance to the minions of 
despotism. Before it wasknown who was the writer, the citizens of 
Annapolis instructed their representatives to record a vote of thanks 
to the author, and when they subsequently ascertained that Mr. Car- 
roll was the champion who had bearded the British lion, they repair- 
ed in a body to his house, and made the welkin ring with heartfelt 
thanks and plaudits of praise. 

From that time forward he became a prominent leader of the libe- 
ral party, an espouser of American rights, and a stern opposer of par- 
liamentary wrongs. His benign influence radiated its genial rays 
upon the hearts, and confirmed the wavering minds of many in the 
glorious cause of liberty. He went for his country and his whole 
country. He portrayed, in bold and glowing colours, the oppres- 
sions of the king, the corruptions and designs of his ministers, and the 
humiliating consequences of tame submission to their arbitrary de- 
mands. He was among the first to kindle the flame of patriotic re- 
sistance, and light the torch of independence. He was among the 
first to sanction the declaration of rights, and the last of that noble 
band of patriots who signed this sacred instrument, that bid it a long, 
a final farewell, and took his exit to "that country where the wicked 
cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." 

On the 18th of July, 1776, he was elected to the convention of 
Maryland, and on the 2nd of August following, took his seat in the 
Continental Congress, and affixed his name to the chart of liberty. 
His talents and zeal were highly appreciated by the members of that 
august body. He had previously endeared himself to them by a 



234 CHARLES CARROLL. 

voluntary mission to Canada, in conjunction with the Rev. John Car- 
roll, Benjamin Franklin, and Samuel Chase. The object of this mis- 
sion was to persuade the people of Canada to unite with the colonies 
in bursting the chains of slavery, and throw off the yoke of bondage 
that had been forced upon them by the mother country. The Messrs. 
Carrolls being of the Roman Catholic faith, then most prevalent 
among the Canadians, and the other two gentlemen entertaining that 
universal charity for others, that, if exercised at the present day, 
would crumble to dust the sectarian walls of partition that are now 
the greatest barriers against the advancement of the Redeemer's king- 
dom, it was fondly hoped that their influence might induce the people 
of that country to join against the common enemy. The defeat and 
death of Montgomery, and the dark prospects of future success, 
caused them to determine on a contrary course. The consequences 
of that course are at this time developing themselves most fearfully, 
amidst the dying groans and streaming blood of the oppressed citizens 
of Canada. 

On his return from this mission, Mr. Carroll found, to his great 
surprise, that the delegates from Maryland then in Congress, had 
been instructed to vote against the declaration of independence. He 
immediately repaired to the convention, and, by his eloquence and 
cogent reasoning, convinced the members of their error, who imme- 
diately rescinded the former and gave contrary instructions. 

Although an active and efficient member of Congress, Mr. Carroll 
occasionally returned to Maryland, and aided in the formation of its 
constitution and laws. In 1778,'he left the national legislature, and, 
for several years, was a member of the senate of Maryland. From 
1788 to 1791, he was a member of the United States' senate, when 
his services were again demanded by his native state, where he served 
as a senator until 1801, when he retired from the great theatre of pub- 
lic action, where he had acted a conspicuous and glorious part, that 
stamped his name with unfading glory, his memory with lasting 
gratitude and enduring fame. 

In private life, Mr. Carroll lost none of the laurels that decked his 
brow when in the service of his beloved country. Of an amiable and 
kind disposition, he was highly esteemed by his friends and respected 
by all. Temperate in all things his course was consistent, charitable, 
and systematic. He was an exemplary christian, and was ever op- 
posed to a spirit of persecution by one sect against another for opi- 
nion's sake. He was among the few who reason correctly and act 
wisely upon this important subject. It is a fact, unknown perhaps 
to manv, and admitted by fewer still, that the Roman Catholics of 
Maryland were the first who proposed and passed into a law reli- 
gious toleration in America. [See laws of the general assembly of that 
state, 1647.] It is also a fact which is equally true, that the Pro- 
testants were the first who introduced proscription, and obtained an 
order from Charles II., after his restoration in 1661, to disfranchise 
all Roman Catholics from holding any office, taking the loaves and 
fishes exclusively into their own keeping, in violation of the charter 
granted to Lord Baltimore by Charles I., and in violation of reason, 



CHARLES CARROLL. I35 

common sense, and the laws of God. Sectarianism is not religion, nor 
a child of heaven. 

The Protestants having become the bride of state, and having the 
power in their own hands, carried on their principles of proscription 
under the authority of William III. The Roman Catholics were 
taxed to support the religion of their oppressors, and by an act passed 
in 1704, the celebration of mass or the instruction of youth by a Ca- 
tholic, insured him a transportation to England. 

During the excitements produced by this unhallowed connection of 
church and state, which several times resulted in bloodshed, the Car- 
rolls used their best exertions to produce a reconciliation between 
the parties. This was never fully effected until the revolution com- 
pelled all persuasions to unite in the common cause against the com- 
mon enemy. 

For thirty years Mr. Carroll enjoyed the cheering comforts of 
"sweet home," and survived to hear the funeral knell of all the other 
signers of the Declaration of Independence. 

He enjoyed the rich reward of seeing the fruits of his labour, in 
conjunction with his compatriots of the revolution, prospering under 
the direction of an all wise Providence and a free and independent 
people. He beheld, with increased delight, the onward march of his 
favoured country, to which he had contributed largely in giving it a 
name and character among the nations of the. earth, at once admired 
and respected. 

He beheld, with increasing gratitude to Heaven, the asylum he had 
aided in preparing for those whom the oppression of kingsand tvrants 
drive from their native shores. As one of the signers of the chart of 
freemen, he stood alone, like a majestic oak that has long withstood, 
the raging tempest, calmly awaiting the time when he should be riven 
and gathered to his fathers. Already had his mind ascended the 
golden chain of faith, reaching from earth to Heaven,: already had the 
world lost its former charms; already had his mind become fixed on 
scenes of future and purer bliss.: already had he reached out his hand 
to receive a crown of immortal glory: already had he anticipated the 
joyful welcome he should receive from his Lord and Master; when, 
on the 14th of November, 1832, his spirit was summoned from its 
trembling, tottering tenement of clay to realms of joy bevond the 
skies. Calm and resigned he entered Jordan's flood; angels" escorted 
his soul to ImmanuePs happy shores, whilst his grateful country 
mourned deeply and felt strongly the loss of one of her noblest sons 
and purest patriots. 

In the life of Charles Carroll, we have an example worthy the imi- 
tation of youth, of manhood, of old age: of the lawver, the statesman, 
the patriot and the christian. His career was guided bv virtue and 
prudence: his every action marked with honestv, frankness, and in- 
tegrity; richly meriting, and freely receiving the esteem and venera- 
tion of a nation of freexex. 



136 



WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 

Great designs require the deep consideration of strong and inves- 
tigating minds. Great events open a wide field for virtue and fame, 
and bring to view powers of intellect, that, under ordinary circum- 
stances, would never unfold their beauties to mortal eyes. Hence 
the brilliancy of talent that illuminated the glorious era of the Ameri- 
can revolution. Many who became eminent statesmen and renowned 
heroes during that memorable struggle, in times of peace, would have 
remained within the sphere of their particular occupations — lived re- 
tired from the public gaze, and died without a full developement of 
their mental powers. That many of the sages of that eventful pe- 
riod were men of unusual talents and acquirements, I freely admit; 
that the momentous transactions that engaged their attention served 
to add a more vivid lustre to their names than the common routine 
of life would have given them, is equally true. The perils that en- 
compassed them, the dangers that threatened them, the dark clouds 
that hung over them, the noble patriotism that influenced them, and 
the mighty work they conceived, planned, and consummated, all 
combined to shed a sacred halo around them. 

Among those whose natural desires did not lead them into the pub- 
lic arena, was William Williams, the son of the Rev. Solomon Wil- 
liams, D. D. He was a native of the town of Lebanon, Windham 
county, Connecticut, and was born on the 8th of April, 1731. His 
paternal ancestors were Welsh, one of whom immigrated from Wales 
in 1630. They were remarkable for piety and a love of liberty. His 
father was the highly esteemed and able pastor of the first congrega- 
tional church in Lebanon, during the long period of fifty-six years. 
Deeply impressed with the importance of storing the youthful mind 
with a good education, virtuous principles, and moral truth, he spared 
no pains in furnishing his sons and daughters with the means of ex- 
ploring the fields of science. His own mind imbued with liberal 
principles and expansive views, his children naturally imbibed the 
same feelings. His own soul enraptured with the. beauties of genuine 
and practical piety, he desired and had the happiness to see his off- 
spring, one after another, consecrate themselves to the Lord of glory 
by a public profession of the christian faith. At an early age William 
Williams became a member of the church over which his father pre- 
sided, and adorned his profession through life. After he had com- 
pleted his preparatory studies, he entered Harvard College and 
graduated in 1751. He sustained a high reputation lor correct de- 
portment, untiring industry, and scholastic lore. His father then 
directed his theological studies in order that he might be prepared, if 



WILLIAM WILLIAMS. I37 

so inclined, to enter the sacred desk. His talents were of a varie- 
gated character, combining a taste for the classics, mechanics, archi- 
tecture, mathematics and general science. 

Feeling an inclination to travel beyond the confines of his juvenile 
perambulations, in 1755 he accepted a commission in the staff' of Colo- 
nel Ephraim Williams, a kinsman of his, and founder of the college 
of that name at Williamstown, Massachusetts. A detachment, put 
under the command of Colonel Williams, consisting of eleven hun- 
dred men, was sent by Sir William Johnson, who commanded the 
English troops, to reconnoitre the army under Baron Dieskau, com- 
posed of a large body of French and Indians. After proceeding 
about four miles, Colonel Williams was attacked by a superior force 
lying in ambuscade. He commenced a spirited defence, but fell in the 
early part of the action, bravely fighting for the mother country. The 
detachment then fell back upon the main body in good order, which 
advanced and repulsed the enemy. 

The French war, in which the colonies were not interested, the ac- 
quirements of which are still held by Great Britain, cost much Ame- 
rican blood and treasure. The pilgrim fathers were long treated and 
used as mere vassals of the English crown. During that campaign, 
William Williams became disgusted with the hauteur of the British 
officers and with the manner they treated native Americans, who 
were by far the most efficient in conducting the Indian mode of war- 
fare. Being ardent in his feelings and of a warm temperament, he 
resolved never again to submit to their indignities, and returned 
home and commenced the mercantile business. 

Soon after, he was elected town clerk, a member of the assembly, 
and appointed a justice of the peace. These were not solicited honours, 
but awarded to him by his fellow citizens as the reward of merit. 
Similar demonstrations of confidence were continued to him for more 
than fifty years. For a long time he was either clerk or speaker of 
the house of representatives in his native state, in which he served 
nearly one hundred sessions. 

When the revolutionary storm began to darken the horizon of pub- 
lic tranquillity, Mr. Williams freely confronted its raging fury. He 
was an able debater, an eloquent speaker, and a bold advocate of his 
country's rights. Extensively and favourably known, his influence 
had a wide range. When the tocsin of war was finally sounded, he 
closed his mercantile concerns and devoted his whole time to the glo- 
rious cause of equal rights and rational liberty. His learning, piety, 
experience in public affairs, honesty of purpose, and energy of action, 
combined to give great weight to his character. He was an active 
member of the council of safety, and on the second Thursday in Oc- 
tober, 1775, was appointed a representative of the Continental Con- 
gress. He entered zealously into the deliberations of that revered 
body, and became prominent and useful. He was ever ready to go 
as far as any one in promoting the liberation of his bleeding country 
from the serpentine coils of oppressive tyranny. He was in favour of 
bold and vigorous measures, and advocated the declaration of rights 
from its incipient conception to its final adoption. He was instru- 
18 



138 WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 

mental in removing the timidity and wavering doubts of many, whose 
motives and desires were as pure, but whose moral courage was less 
than his. Whenever he rose in debate he was listened to with pro- 
found attention. He possessed a fine figure of the middle size, dark 
hair, piercing black eyes, an aqueline nose, an open and ingenuous 
countenance, and a stentorian voice, combined with a clear head, a 
Roman heart, a sound judgment, an acute perception, and a logical 
mind. He was well versed in the principles of international law, the 
different forms of government and the duties of legislation. 

He was re-elected to Congress the two succeeding years, and when 
the final vote upon the charter of our rights was taken, the voice of 
William Williams responded a thundering — "Aye" — that told his 
boldness and his zeal. That vote stands confirmed by his signature 
upon the record of immortal fame, a proud memento of his unalloyed 
patriotism, a conclusive proof of his moral firmness. 

He was free from an aspiring ambition based on self and nurtured 
by intrigue. From the pure fountain of an honest heart his motives 
emanated; to promote the glory of his country was his anxious desire. 
Upon the altar of liberty he was willing to sacrifice his property and 
his life; in vindicating the cause of freedom he was willing to spend 
his latest breath. Honesty of purpose, self-devotion, and persevering 
action were among his marked characteristics. To rouse his coun- 
trymen to a sense of danger, and to induce them to enlist in the com- 
mon cause against the common enemy, he used every honourable 
exertion. 

Just before Congress was compelled to fly before the victorious foe 
from Philadelphia, Mr. Williams, at the risk of being captured him- 
self, rescued his colleague, Colonel Dyer, from the fangs of the Bri- 
tish, who had planned and were on the point of effecting his arrest. 
They both made a hair-breadth escape. 

When the government treasury was drained of its last hard dollar, 
this patriot threw in what he termed his "mite" of specie, amounting 
to more than two thousand dollars, and took continental money in re- 
turn, which soon died in his hands. In the cause of equal rights his 
property was nearly all expended, and he gloried in being able to add 
to his mental aid a portion of "the sinews of power." 

For forty years he was a judge of probate, a select-man of his na- 
tive town during the war, commissioner of the public school fund, and 
held almost every office within the gift of his constituents, discharg- 
ing the duties of all with so much industry, ability and integrity, that 
slander found no crevice in his uninterrupted and unblemished" repu- 
tation for the smallest entering wedge, by which to impugn his pri- 
vate or public character. He was remarkably active and fortunate 
in obtaining private donations of necessaries to supply the army. He 
went from house to house among his friends, obtaining small parcels 
of any and every article that would alleviate the wants of the desti- 
tute soldiers. He forwarded to them at different times more than a 
thousand blankets. During the winter of 1781, he gave up his own 
house for the accommodation of the officers of the legion under Colo- 
nel Laurens, and used every effort to render them comfortable. His 



SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 139 

industry was equal to his patriotism, seldom retiring until after twelve 
at night, and rising at early dawn. 

He was a member of the convention of his state when the federal 
constitution was adopted, and was a warm advocate for that instru- 
ment. He was never permitted to enjoy full retirement from public 
service until disabled by disease, which terminated his useful career 
on the 2nd of August, 1811. He had lived the life of a good man, his 
last end was peaceful, calm and happy. During his last years he was 
considerably deaf, and spent much time in christian devotion. But 
few men have served their country as much, and no one more faith- 
fully than did William Williams. 



SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 

No quality of the human mind sheds over it more lustre than con- 
sistency. "Be consistent," was a Roman motto, and once a Roman 
virtue that influenced the hearts and actions of its republican sages, 
heroes, and literati. Consistency is one of the brightest jewels in 
the escutcheon of a name. It is the crowning glory of meritorious 
fame, and implies a course of life that ennobles and dignifies man. 
It is based upon true wisdom and sound discretion, the pilot and 
helm of the bark of life in navigating the ocean of time. Without it, 
the buflfetings of chaos, the sand-bars of folly, and the rocks of disas- 
ter, cannot be avoided. Without it, the brightness of other talents 
and attainments of a high order are often eclipsed by the clouds of 
error and obscured by the mists of ridicule. With it, mediocrity 
shines and enables the plough-boy of the field to reach the pinnacle 
of substantial and enduring fame, when his classic friend who has no 
share in consistency, but is in all other respects his superior, sinks 
into oblivion. 

It is a propensity susceptible of cultivation, and where its deve- 
lopements are small in youth, parents and instructers should nurture 
it with great attention and peculiar care. It is of more importance 
than classic lore and the most powerful elocution. Dr. Young has 
truly said, "With the talents of an angel a man may be a fool." The 
sages of the American revolution were remarkable for consistency. 
Many of them rose from the humble walks of life by the force of their 
own exertions, guided by this darling attribute, and became eminently 
useful in the cause of liberty. 

Among this class the name of Samuel Huntington stands conspi- 
cuous. He was a native of Windham, Connecticut, born on the 2nd 
of July, 1732. His father, Nathaniel Huntington, was a plain ho- 
nest farmer, and gave this son only a common English education. 
Three of his brothers enjoyed the advantages of Yale College and 
became gospel ministers, all of thern adorning their profession, and 
one of them, Joseph, becoming an eminent divine and an able writer. 



140 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 

Their pious mother was the happy instrument that led them to the 
pure font of religion, and had the happiness to see her numerous off- 
spring all walking hand in hand in the ways of wisdom and virtue. 
Samuel followed the plough until he was twenty-two years of age. 
He was of middle stature, dark complexion, keen eyes, countenance 
expressive, with a deportment that commanded respect, love and 
esteem. He was remarkable for industry and integrity, and from 
his early youth had been a close observer of men and things, and an 
attentive reader. His native talents were strong and of a grave cast, 
his judgment was clear and his reflections deep. From his child- 
hood to his grave he was remarkable for consistency in all things. 
This was his strong forte, and exalted him to a lofty eminence. In 
his twenty -third year he commenced reading law at his father's do- 
micile, from books loaned to him by Zedediah Elderkin, Esq. a mem- 
ber of the Norwich bar. Like Roger Sherman, he soon mastered the 
elementary principles of that intricate science, was admitted to the 
practical honours of the. profession, and immediately opened an office 
in his native town. His reputation as an honest man, possessing a 
clear head and a good heart, already rested on a firm basis. His 
fame as an able advocate and safe counsellor, soon added new grace 
to this superstructure. He was not celebrated for Ciceronean powers; 
he imitated more closely Socrates and Solon. His manner was 
plain and unvarnished, but marked by that deep sincerity and can- 
dour that seldom fail to impress the minds of a court and jury fa- 
vourably, and often foil the most brilliant and happy displays of 
Demosthenean eloquence. To his other strong qualities he added 
punctuality, which is the very life of business. He soon obtained a 
lucrative practice and the confidence of the community. In 1760, he 
removed to Norwich, where a wider field was open before him; and 
two years after, he emerged from the lonely regions of celibacy with 
Martha, the accomplished daughter of Ebenezer Devotion, and enter- 
ed the delightful bowers of matrimony, thus giving him an importance 
in society that single blessedness never confers. The choice he made 
was consistent; his partner proved to be an amiable companion, 
uniting the accomplishments of a lady and the piety of a christian, 
with laudable industry and strict economy. "Marriage, with peace, is 
this world's paradise." 

The professional fame of Mr. Huntington continued to rise and ex- 
pand, and when the all-important subject of American rights and 
British wrongs was agitated, he exerted his extensive influence and 
noblest powers in favour of the cause of equal rights. In 1764, he 
was elected to the general assembly, and the next year was appoint- 
ed king's attorney, the duties of which office he continued to ably 
discharge until the pestiferous atmosphere of monarchial oppression 
drove him from under the dark mantle of a corrupt and impolitic 
ministry. He was appointed to the bench of the Superior Court in 
1774, and the next year a member of the council of his native state. 
In October, 1775, he had the honour of being associated with the pa- 
triots and sages of the Continental Congress then assembled at Phi- 
ladelphia, of which body he became a prominent and useful member. 



SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 141 

In January following he again took his seat in that venerable assem- 
bly, and advocated boldly, fearlessly, and with undisguised since- 
rity, the necessity of" severing, at one gigantic stroke, the cords that 
bound the colonies to England. The solemnity of his manners, the 
deep tone of his reasoning, the lucid demonstration of his proposi- 
tions, and the purity of his patriotism, were well calculated to carry 
conviction to the heart and impart confidence to the wavering and 
timid. He was present on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, at the 
birth of our independence, and became a subscribing witness to the 
imposing solemnities of that eventful day. He was continued a mem- 
ber of Congress until 1781, when ill health compelled him to retire, 
for a season, from the halls of legislation. 

He was a man of great industry, clearness of perception, honesty 
of purpose, and profound research; united with an extensive practi- 
cal knowledge of human nature, general business, and political eco- 
nomy, which rendered him worthy of unlimited confidence and gave 
him a place on the most important committees. So highly was Mr. 
Huntington esteemed, that on the resignation of Mr. Jay, in 1779, 
who was appointed minister to Europe, he was elected president of 
Congress, the duties of which high and dignified station he discharged 
with so much consistency and ability, that on his final resignation in 
July 1781, that august body passed and communicated to him a vote 
of thanks for the able manner he had filled the chair and promoted 
the execution of public business. So anxious were the members that 
he should resume his seat, that they waited considerable time before 
they supplied the vacancy permanently, hoping that his health might 
be restored and enable him to return. During this interim of his 
congressional career, when he was able, he served his own state on 
the bench and in her council. In 1783, he resumed his seat in the 
national legislature, during which year he closed his services in that 
body and declined a re-election. He had aided in completing the 
mighty work of national freedom; the star spangled banner was float- 
ing in the breeze of liberty; his country had triumphed over a mer- 
ciless foe; her political regeneration had been consummated; America 
was disenthralled; he then desired retirement from the arena of pub- 
lic life. His rest was of brief duration. In 1784, he was appointed 
chief justice of his native state; the ensuing year, lieutenant-governor; 
and the year following that, he was elected governor of Connecticut, 
which responsible and important office he filled until the 5th day of 
January, 1796, when he sunk under a complication of diseases, and 
closed his eyes in death. He died the death of a righteous man, hav- 
ing long adorned the profession of religion by a life of consistent and 
exemplary piety. 

In the life of this good and useful patriot, we find much to .admire 
and nothing to condemn. His superior virtues and uniform consis- 
tency eclipsed every frailty of his nature. In the performance of all 
the duties of public and private life, he was a model worthy of the 
highest praise and of the closest imitation. From the plough in the 
field, through his bright career to the presidential chair in Congress, 
and from thence to the chief magistracy of his native state, so great 



242 GEORGE WALTON. 

were his consistency, wisdom, prudence, discretion, and even-handed 
justice, that envy, malice, and slander, shrunk from the torpedo touch 
of his moral purity. As a lawyer, a judge, a statesman, and a chief 
magistrate, he stood admired, approved, and honoured. He was a 
stranger to pomp and show; republican in his manners as well as in 
his principles; temperate and frugal in his habits; scrupulously honest 
in the discharge of every duty; calm and deliberate in all his actions; 
urbane and affable in his intercourse with mankind; completely mas- 
ter of all his passions; systematic and punctual in private and public 
business; emphatically a son of consistency, liberty, order, and law. 
His fame is based upon substantial merit; his name is surrounded by 
a sacred halo that renders it dear to every freeman; his examples 
will shed a salutary influence over the mind of every reader capable 
of receiving the congenial impression of angelic consistency. 



GEORGE WALTON. 

Knowledge is the treasure of the mind; virtue is the parent of 
earthly happiness. In this enlightened age and in our free country, 
ignorance is a voluntary misfortune arising from idleness, the parent 
of want, vice, and shame. Under the benevolent arrangements of the 
present day, every child, youth, woman and man can have access to 
books, and generally to schools. At no era of the world has the man- 
tle of science been so widely spread as at this time. All who will 
may drink at the pure fountain of intelligence, and go on their way 
rejoicing in light. By a proper improvement of time, the apprentice 
of the workshop may lay in a stock of useful information that will 
enable him, when he arrives at manhood, to take a respectable stand 
by the side of those who have been illumined with the full blaze of a 
collegiate education. In his own hands are the materials of future 
fame, oblivial obscurity, or shameless infamy. He is the architect of 
his own fortune, and will rise in the scale of being just in proportion 
with his mental exertions. Youth of America, if you desire to remain 
free, store your minds with knowledge. Several bright examples 
have already been spread before the reader, in this review of the 
lives of the signers of the declaration, of men who raised themselves 
by the force of their own powers and industry to the loftiest pinnacle 
of enduring fame. 

In tracing the career of George Walton, another instance of the 
same kind is presented. He was a native of Frederic county, Vir- 
ginia, born in 1740. Without any school education he was appren- 
ticed to a morose carpenter at an early age, who was so penurious 
as to deny him a candle to read by, after having faithfully performed 
his task of labour. So great was his desire to become familiar 
with books, that he would collect pine knots, which afforded him 
the only light for the prosecution of his studies during his boyhood 



GEORGE WALTON. 143 

and youth. He served out his time in strict accordance with his 
indentures, and when manhood dawned upon him, his mind was 
stored with a rich stock of useful intelligence and practical informa- 
tion. This he had acquired alone by the dint of industry during 
those hours of the night when a large proportion of others boys and 
youth were either reposing in slumber, or were wasting their time in 
corrupt and vicious company, demonstrating most clearly that igno- 
rance is a voluntary misfortune. 

When he arrived at his majority he went to Georgia and com- 
menced the study of law with Henry Young, Esq., under whose in- 
struction he rapidly acquired the elements of the profession, and was 
admitted to the bar in 1774. During his investigation of the princi- 
ples laid down by Blackstone and other able writers, he was most 
forcibly struck with the gross violation of the chartered and constitu- 
tional rights of the colonies. His indignation became roused, he com- 
municated his views and feelings to other kindred spirits, and was 
among the first to oppose British oppression in his adopted state. 
The interests of the crown were sustained in Georgia longer than in 
either of the other provinces. A temporizing spirit pervaded the 
minds of many of those who desired liberty, but believed its attain- 
ment beyond their reach. For some time they preferred enduring 
their present sufferings, lest a severer fate should overtake them. 
They knew their own weakness, they dreaded the physical power of 
England. But George Walton and a few other bold patriots were 
not to be intimidated by a display of military force. Thev considered 
that to die in the cause of liberty was more glorious than to wear the 
chains of a tyrant. They were determined never to bow the knee to 
Baal, or offer a sacrifice at the altar of monarchy. They resolved 
to be free or nobly perish in the attempt. 

In order to test the public mind, Messrs. Walton, Noble, Bullock, 
and Houston, over their proper signatures, published a notice for a 
meeting of their fellow citizens to be held at the Liberty Pole, Ton- 
dee's tavern, Savannah, on the 27th of July, 1774, in order to take 
into consideration the constitutional rights and liberties of the Ame- 
rican subjects of the British empire. This was the first liberty pole 
planted in that state; this was the first meeting that put the revolu- 
tionary ball in motion in Georgia. A large number of citizens as- 
sembled at the time and place appointed, and were eloquently ad- 
dressed by Mr. Walton, who, from that time, became a prominent 
and able leader of the popular party. A committee was organized 
for the purpose of rousing the people to a sense of impending danger 
and to a vindication of their injured rights. Governor Wright, with 
the hireling phalanx of the crown, used great exertions to obtain from 
the inhabitants of every parish a written pledge to sustain them in 
executing the nefarious designs of the mother country, and to submit 
their necks more implicitly to the yoke of bondage. Fascinating 
promises of redress were held out, and the people were in a measure 
lulled into quietness by a renewal of their petitions to the throne for 
the repeal of the unconstitutional laws of parliament. But the fire of 
patriotism had commenced its insulating course. From Mr. Walton 
and his compatriots its holy flame continued to spread from heart to 



144 GEORGE WALTON. 

heart, from sire to son, from parish to parish, at first slowly, but 
finally illuminating the horizon of liberty with cheering refulgence. 
The struggle of many of the more timid patriots in that province, 
between policy and duty, was long suspended on the pivot of inde- 
cision. Present self-interest and self-preservation influenced many 
to remain inactive for a season, who subsequently became the bold 
advocates of liberal principles. In January, 1775, the members of the 
assembly were so equally divided upon the all important subject of 
the revolution, then rolling upon them, that they adjourned without 
any definite action relative to it. The same wavering spirit was 
manifested at the public meetings and by the committee of safety. 
To restore the public mind from this political paralysis, was the pro- 
vince of Mr. Walton and a few other noble spirits. All the other 
colonies had united in the common cause against the common enemy 
and had sent delegates to the Congress convened at Philadelphia the 
previous year. That Georgia should be the last to hug the chains 
and kiss the rod of oppression, was to him a source of mortification 
and regret. But he determined not to desert his post. His exertions 
became equal to the herculean task before. His powers of mind rose 
with the magnitude of the occasion; his eloquence and logic bore down 
all opposition, and when the cry of blood — of murder — from the heights 
of Lexington was heard, the people started from their reverie, rose in 
the majesty of their might, buckled on the armour of opposition, 
burst the cords that bound them, and bid defiance to British power. 
In May, 1775, the parish of St. Johns sent Lyman Hall to the Con- 
tinental Congress, and in July, a convention of the province sanctioned 
his election, joined the confederacy, and sent four other delegates to 
aid him. The council of safety was re-organized, and vigorous mea- 
sures adopted to aid the cause of rational liberty. In these measures 
Mr. Walton was one of the leading men. In January of the next 
year the legislature appointed Mr. Bullock, a bold and active patriot, 
president of the executive council by a large majority. British au- 
thority was at an end. Governor Wright threatened the members 
with bayonets, the next hour he was their prisoner, and permitted 
only the liberty of his own house on his parol of honour. This he 
violated, fled on board of the armed fleet in the harbour, commenced 
an attack upon the town, was shamefully defeated, and retired from 
the vengeance of an enraged, insulted, and injured populace. 

In February, 1776, Mr. Walton was elected to Congress, and 
entered upon the important duties of legislation. He at once took his 
seat and proved a bold, energetic, and efficient advocate for every 
measure calculated to advance the cause of independence. He warmly 
supported the declaration of rights and most cheerfully gave it his vote 
and signature. He continued to be annually elected a member ot 
the national legislature until 1781, excepting 1779, when he was 
governor of Georgia. He rendered essential service on various com- 
mittees. When Congress was compelled to retire to Baltimore on 
the 13th of December, 1776, in consequence of the approach of the 
British army, Messrs. Morris, Clymer, and Walton, were left as a 
committee of superintendence with $200,000, to be expended for the 



GEORGE WALTON. 145 

use of the army. Mr. Walton was also a member of the treasury 
board and marine committee, and ably discharged every duty that 
devolved upon him. In addition to his civil honours, his brow was 
decked with the epic wreath. In 1778, he was commissioned colo- 
nel of militia, and bravely sustained himself at the battle of Savannah 
between the American troops under General Howe and the British 
under Colonel Campbell. The battalion under his command made a 
desperate resistance until he received a shot in his thigh, fell from his 
horse, and was captured by the enemy. So long as his wound con- 
fined him he was held under a parol of honour; when he recovered, 
he was sent to Sunbury and confined with the other prisoners. He 
was soon after exchanged, and again entered into the service of Con- 
gress, having been absent during the session of 177S. In January, 
1783, he was appointed chief justice of Georgia. He was subse- 
quently again elected governor of the state, and also a member of the 
United States senate, and served several sessions in the state legisla- 
ture. He was" a judge of the superior court, when he closed his 
laborious life on the 2nd of February, 1803, which had been almost 
entirely devoted to the service of his country. He was also one of 
the commissioners that effected a treaty with the Cherokee Indians 
in Tennessee. His high reputation as an able and faithful public ser- 
vant, imposed upon him numerous and onerous duties, all of which 
he discharged in a manner that did honour to his name and his coun- 
try. The only difficulty in which he appears to have been involved 
during his public career, was as singular as it proved harmless, and 
lost none of its odd features in its final adjustment. During the war, 
a jealousy existed between the civil and military powers in Georgia. 
At the head of the first was Mr. Walton; at the head of the latter, 
General M'Intosh. In 1779, when the former was first elected 
governor of the state, a forged letter, purporting to be from the legis- 
lature, then in session at Savannah, was forwarded to Congress, re- 
questing the removal of the latter to some other field of action. The 
governor was charged with a knowledge of the transaction; but few, 
if any, believed it, and he declared himself ignorant of the whole 
matter. The documentary proofs were laid before the house in 
January, 17S3, and whilst under discussion, Mr. Walton was ap- 
pointed chief justice of the state; the next day a vote of censure was 
passed upon him for participating in the forged letter, and the attor- 
ney-general directed to institute proceedings against him in the very 
court over which he presided, and the only one that had cognisance 
of the charge against him. The vote of censure may have healed the 
wounded feelings of General M'Intosh; it certainly never injured 
chief justice Walton, and was never afterwards agitated. It was 
more like a political compromise of the present day than any re- 
volutionary farce that has come under my notice. 

During the latter part of his life, Judge Walton confined his public 
duties to the bench of the superior court; and during the intervals of 
its session, enjoyed the comforts of domestic life with his family, con- 
sisting of one son, and his amiable and accomplished companion, the 
daughter of Mr. Chamber, whom he had married in 1777. He was 
19 



J46 GEORGE CLYMER. 

not wealthy, was free from avarice, and was contented with a com- 
petence which was afforded by his public emoluments and the pro- 
duce of a small plantation. He indulged in good living, and suffered 
much from the gout at various times. He was a close student during 
his whole life. He continued to add to his experience a general know- 
ledge of the sciences, and became an ornament to the judiciary of his 
state. He was also a ready writer, and possessed a peculiar talent 
for satire, which he occasionally resorted to as a correction of error 
and folly. He was of a warm temperament, easily excited, resenting 
every indignity, but highly honourable and just, moving within the 
orbit of propriety under all circumstances, showing clearly that the 
inflammable passions may be governed and controlled by a wise dis- 
cretion. He was open and frank, a stranger to disguise, ardent in his 
attachments, firm in his purposes, stern and reserve in his manners 
in general society, but very familiar in the private circle with his 
friends. He was an indignant but manly opponent; his enemies knew 
just where to find him. He was fond of brevity and despatch in con- 
versation and in business, and systematic in all his proceedings and 
arrangements both public and private. Taken as a whole, he was 
one of the most useful men of his day and generation, and has left 
examples worthy of the imitation of the apprentice, the student, the 
lawyer, the judge, the magistrate, and the statesman. By the force 
of industry and perseverance he rose from the humblest walks of 
life to the most dignified stations in the community. Let every youth 
whose eyes meet this brief sketch, be stimulated to embrace every 
opportunity for improvement, and drink often and freely at the crystal 
fountain of knowledge now accessible and open to all. Soon the 
affairs of a mighty nation will devolve upon you; without intelligence 
you cannot be prepared to guard its dearest interests and counteract 
the corrupting and baneful evils that are often put in motion by wild 
ambition, sordid selfishness, and dark intrigue. 



GEORGE CLYMER. 

The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of the 
earth. Upon the minds of some we pour the classic stream in vain; 
like the desert of Sahara, they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon 
the minds of others, laborious efforts produce an improvement, but 
never enrich them. Their substance is too light and their substra- 
tum too porous to long retain the fructifying substances lavished upon 
them. Others, by good culture, yield a liberal harvest and become 
valuable by use. Others again, like the alluvial prairie, are adorned 
with spontaneous fruits, and only require the introduction of seed to 
afford all the rich varieties that may be desired. Expose them to the 
genial rays of the sun of science and the germs of genius will im- 



GEORGE CLYMER. 147 

mediately spring up, the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the 
rose. 

The mind of George Clymer was composed of a prolific and 
deep mould, capable of producing the richest foliage. Fortunately for 
our country, it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers 
and blooming: shrubbery, but to the substantial fruits that invigorate 
and support life. 

He was born in Philadelphia in 1T39. His father removed from 
Bristol, England, to that city, and died when this son was but seven 
years of age. George Clymer was then taken under the guardian care 
of William Coleman, his uncle, who treated him as a son and made 
him heir of most of his property. Himself a literary man, Mr. Cole- 
man conferred upon his nephew a good education. He possessed a 
splendid library, and had the gratifying consolation of seeing it often 
and fullv explored bv George Clymer, who manifested an early taste 
for reading;, and investigated critically every subject that came before 
him, never leaving it until he traced it through all its meanderings to 
its primeval source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly 
useful in the momentous concerns that occupied his subsequent life. 
It is of the first importance to dig deep and lay firmly the founda- 
tions of an education, that the superstructure may rest upon a sub- 
stantial basis. 

From the seminary, Mr. Clymer went into the counting-house of 
his uncle, and made himself acquainted with the mercantile business, 
in which he subsequently embarked. The precariousness and un- 
certainty of this calling rendered it unpleasant to him. He was op- 
posed to sudden g^iins or losses, because the one was calculated to 
elate the mind too much, and the other to depress it too low, thus 
destroying the equilibrium calculated to impart the most happiness 
to a man and render him most useful to himself, to his family, and to 
the community. He contended that a virtuous equality in life is 
more conducive to the comfort and prosperity of a nation, than to 
have a majority of the wealth wielded by a favoured few. He was 
the friend of equal rights and free principles. He was a republican 
of the Roman school, a patriot of the highest order, a philanthropist 
of the noblest cast, and opposed to all monopolies. His genii;- was 
of that original order, that, like some comets, illuminate our world 
only at long intervals. It seemed to traverse the circuit of human 
nature, of metaphysics, of philosophy, and of general science, without 
an apparent eft'ort, drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. 
He was a virtuoso, an amateur, and at the same time a deep logician 
and mathematician. A love of liberty and equal rights was with him 
an innate quality. His mind was richly stored with the history of 
other times and nations; he was well versed in the principles of law 
and government, and understood well the chartered rights of his coun- 
try, and felt most keenly the increasing infringements upon them by 
the very power that was' bound by the laws of nature, of man, and o( 
God. to protect them. His course at the commencement of the revo- 
lution can readily be imagined. True, his entire property was vest- 
ed in commercial business: Reese Meredith, his father-in-law, was 



148 GEORGE CLYMER. 

his partner in trade, and for him to oppose the interests of the crown, 
seemed certain destruction to his own, so far as pecuniary matters 
were concerned. But his mind moved in an orbit limited only by the 
confines of freedom. He was among the first to resist the oppressors 
of his country and proclaim to his fellow citizens the principles of 
liberty. At the "-tea meeting," held by the citizens of Philadelphia 
on the 16th of October, 1773, his reasoning, sincerity, zeal and en- 
thusiastic patriotism, commanded great attention and admiration. 
Free from pedantry and naturally retiring his powers of mind were 
known only to his friends. From that time they were claimed as 
public property. He was compelled to surrender possession to the 
rightful owners, without certiorari or appeal, and was engaged in all 
the important measures of the day. When the final crisis arrived for 
action; when forbearance had ceased to be a virtue; when the war- 
cry resounded from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took com- 
mand of a company under General Cadwalader and repaired to the 
tented field. He was at the same time a member of the council of 
safety, and had served on all or most of the preliminary committees 
of his native city appointed to prepare petitions, remonstrances and 
measures of defence. He was soon called from the field of epic glory, 
and appointed by Congress, on the 29th of July, 1775, in conjunction 
with Michael liillegas, to take charge of the public treasury. He 
subscribed liberally to the loan raised for the public service, and 
poured all the specie he could raise into the government chest and 
took in return paper, which was virtually ephemeral in its value. 
His examples and his patriotic enthusiasm had a powerful influence 
upon his friends, many of whom came boldly to the rescue. In July, 
1776, he took his seat in the Continental Congress after the adoption 
of the declaration of rights, to which he most cheerfully subscribed. 
A part of the preceding delegation from Pennsylvania when they 
found their colleagues were in favour of cutting loose, left their sta- 
tion and retired, perhaps that they might avoid the wrath of the king 
on the one hand and the indignation of the patriots on the other, or 
believing the time had not yet arrived for so bold a step. The peo- 
ple promptly filled their places with men who dared to be free, by 
men who had already nobly resolved on liberty or death. 

In September of that year, Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent 
by Congress to regulate the northern army and to confer with Wash- 
ington in making arrangements for future action. In December of 
the same year Congress retired to Baltimore in consequence of the 
threatened approach of the British army, then spreading consterna- 
tion, destruction and death through New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was 
one of the committee left in Philadelphia to superintend the public 
interests and brave the perils that were rolling onward like a tor- 
nado. He was faithful in the discharge of every duty, devoting his 
time and fortune to the advancement of the glorious cause he had 
espoused. He was returned to Congress the next year, and in April 
was a^ain appointed upon a committee to repair to the army and con- 
fer with Washington upon all subjects that required their attention, 
which were neither few nor small. In the autumn of that year an 



GEORGE CLYMER. X49 

additional momentum was given to the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. 
He had removed his family and goods to Chester county, and imme- 
diately after the defeat of the Americans at Brandyvvine, the tories 
led the British to his house; his family escaped, but his property, to 
a large amount, was totally destroyed. This sacrifice at the altar of 
freedom seemed to strengthen his political faith and impart fresh vi- 
gour to his exertions. 

In December, 1779, he was one of a board of commissioners sent 
by Congress to Fort Pitt, to counteract, if possible, the hostility of 
the savages, who were committing murders upon the western frontiers 
of Virginia and Pennsylvania, and to effect, if practicable, a treaty 
with the several tribes, and if unsuccessful in the accomplishment of 
these designs, to make arrangements for offensive operations. The 
mission was boldly executed, principally by Mr. Clymer alone, who 
narrowly escaped the tomahawk during his absence. The commis- 
sioners returned in April and reported the necessity of carrying the 
war into the Indian country. During the next year Mr. Clymer 
was not in Congress, but devoted his time in raising loans and sup- 
plies for the army, then destitute of almost every necessary of life and 
of the munitions of war. In 1780, he was again elected to the na- 
tional legislature and served until November of the ensuing year, 
when he and John Nixon were appointed to organize the Bank of 
North America, which was instrumental in reviving the prostrate cre- 
dit of the government. In May, 1782, he was associated with Mr. 
Hutledge on a mission through the southern states, for the purpose of 
inducing them to meet more promptly the requisitions of Congress 
for supplies. During the entire period of the revolution he devoted 
his whole time to the service of his country, and discharged every 
duty assigned him to the entire satisfaction of his constituents and 
colleagues. He stood high as an able and faithful co-worker in the 
vineyard of liberty, and retired from the field when the harvest was 
ended covered with the honours of enduring fame. At the close of 
the war he removed to Princeton, for the purpose of resting from his 
toils and educating his children. The ensuing year his services were 
requested in his native state, and he returned to Philadelphia. He 
was elected to the Pennsylvania legislature, and contributed largely 
in divesting her old constitution and laws of the obnoxious branches 
of tyranny that were still attached to them. He introduced the amelior- 
ation of the penal code and was the originator and warm advocate 
of abolishing death in all cases, except murder in the first degree. 
He was the father of the much admired penitentiary system of that 
state, which has but recently been organized fully upon the plan 
proposed by him — that of solitary confinement at hard labour. It may 
not be known to the young reader, that in former times, prisoners, 
after conviction, were compelled to labour in chains often in the most 
public places. The superiority of solitary confinement over all other 
modes of punishment has been fully demonstrated, and is in a course 
of adoption throughout the civilized world. The arguments of Mr. 
Clymer in favour of these philanthropic measures manifested a deep 
and thorough knowledge of human nature, and were based upon the 



|50 GEORGE CLYMER. 

firm pillars of equal justice, lucid reason and sound policy. He 
devised and prepared the humane report of the committee that remo- 
delled the penal code of Pennsylvania, which has been fully and suc- 
cessfully tested, and stands an admired monument of judicial re- 
formation, and an enduring praise to the name of its author. 

The mind of Mr. Clymer was peculiarly prolific and happy in the 
conception of plans of usefulness and utility. To benefit his country 
and better the condition of mankind, afforded him the highest plea- 
sure. To effect this, he saw the necessity of reducing every depart- 
ment of government to system and order. American independence 
■was achieved; to preserve it by reducing to harmony the conflicting 
local interests, jealousies and inconsiderate clamours of the malevo- 
lent, was an herculean task yet to be performed. The convention that 
formed the federal constitution was therefore hailed with joy by Mr. 
Clymer, who was one of its members. The result of the labours of 
that body was fraught with deeper interest than the war struggle for 
victory over a foreign foe. It involved the fate of our infant repub- 
lic, which was then veringon dissolution and fast retrograding towards 
the awful gulf of primeval chaos. The conflict was between members 
of the same family, and required the deepest sagacity, the profoundest 
wisdom, the most acute judgment, the most disinterested patriotism, 
the most exalted charity, and the purest spirit of conciliation, to bring 
it to a peaceful and satisfactory termination. Happily for our coun- 
try this was done, and Mr. Clymer contributed his full share in the 
accomplishment of the glorious work. 

He was elected a member of the first Congress convened under that 
saving instrument. He was a stern republican and opposed to tacking 
any titles to the name of any public man except that of his office. 
Excellency, honourable, &c, he conceived to be the mere shadows of 
a shadow, too vain and trifling for a freeman. He was opposed to the 
right of instruction from his constituents, because they must necessa- 
rily decide without hearing either evidence or argument. He was 
unwilling to be made a mere passive machine of puerile power, a mere 
automaton of party spirit. 

In the organization of the general government through all its rami- 
fications he took a deep interest and an active part. Every subject 
that was presented to Congress for consideration he analyzed with the 
skill of a sage, a statesman and a philosopher. In 1790, he closed 
his legislative career and declined again entering upon its arduous 
duties! 1 Under the act of Congress of 1791, imposing a duty on do- 
mestic distilled spirits, Mr. Clymer was appointed to superintend its 
collection in his own state. The tax was then called, by way of op- 
probrium, the excise. This law gave great dissatisfaction in many 
places, and in Pennsylvania produced what was termed the whiskey 
rebellion, which required the military to restore, order. Unpleasant 
as it was, Mr. Clymer proceeded to perform his duty by appointing 
the required collectors in each county, endeavouring to persuade the 
people to submit to the law whilst in force, and pursue the constitutional 
remedy for its repeal if they believed it wrong. During the height of 
the excitement he hazarded his life among the malccontents where but 



GEORGE CLYMER. 151 

few other men would have been spared if clothed with the same office. 
He finally resigned this station, and was soon after appointed a com- 
missioner, with Colonels Pickens and Hawkins, to negotiate a treaty 
with the Cherokee and Creek Indians in Georgia, which was effected 
on the 29th of June, 1796, and closed his long, faithful and arduous 
public career. He had perilled his life, his fortune and his sacred 
honour for his country; he had been her unyielding and fearless ad- 
vocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil discord and open rebel- 
lion; he now saw her peaceful, prosperous and happy, with the illus- 
trious Washington presiding over her destinies. He could therefore 
retire to enjoy the fruits of his labours and his toils, without any to 
disturb or make him afraid. 

But he remained an active man during his whole life. He felt an 
interest in every kind of improvement, and to many he extended a 
fostering care. As early as 1785, he aided in establishing the Phila- 
delphia Agricultural Society, and when the Academy of Fine Arts 
was founded in that city he was one of its liberal patrons. He aided 
also in establishing the Philadelphia Bank. Of the former, he was 
vice president, and of the two latter, president when he died, He 
was a friend to all the labouring classes, and made himself acquainted 
with the principles of farming and the mechanic trades. His private 
papers exhibit a great variety of draughts aud plans of bridges, canals, 
water-works, machinery and implements of husbandry, and numerous 
recipes relative to the arts. Like the philosophic Franklin, he ex- 
tended his researches to almost every subject within the grasp of man, 
and treasured in his mind the essential oil of each. He always sought 
for solid substance that could be applied to substantial use. His mind 
and his manners were opposed to pedantry and pomp. He was what, 
in common parlance, would now be called a plain, old fashioned, blunt 
man. His bluntness was not of an offensive kind; it consisted in la- 
conic truth, dressed in republican simplicity, a garb that was much 
admired during the times of pure unsophisticated patriotism. Al- 
though he originated many important measures in the national and 
state legislature, he seldom spoke in the forum, and was often un- 
known to the public as such, when the author of the most salutary 
propositions. He was ambitious only to do good, and was not 
anxious that his name should be wafted on the breeze of popular ap- 
plause or be emblazoned in the high places of the earth. To know that 
he had been instrumental in benefitting the human family was the ul- 
timatum of his soul. When the importance of a subject induced him 
to rise in debate he was listened to with profound attention, rnd was 
an example worthy of imitation. Without any pretensions to refined 
elocution, he expressed in strong language the sentiments he f trongly 
felt. He came directly to the point, adhered closely to it in a strain 
of keen, cutting, pithy and laconic reasoning; was always brief, often 
casting into the shade, by his remarks of a few moments, t'.ie laboured 
and gaudy speeches of his opponents that had cost them weeks to pre- 
pare and hours to deliver. He effected this, not by personal recrimi- 
nation or irony, but by aiming his blows at the strong points, the syl- 
labus of their superstructure, which he often demolished at one bold 



j 52 CARTER BRAXTON. 

stroke with the damask blade of sound logic, drawn from the scabbard 
of plain common sense, and wielded by the vigorous arm of lucid rea- 
son. He was opposed to every shade of aristocracy and every thing 
anti-republican, both in theory and practice. His views were broad 
and liberal, his purposes were honest and patriotic. He was an at- 
tentive reader, and wrote numerous essays, which are forcible, logical, 
and extremely sarcastic. 

In the private walks of life his character was a model of human 
excellence. All its relations he discharged with the most scrupulous 
fidelity and integrity. He was proverbial for punctuality in all things, 
if only to take, a walk with a friend or present a promised toy to a 
child. In conversation he was agreeable and instructive, illuminating 
and enlivening the social circle with apothegms, aphorisms, and pun- 
gent anecdotes, imparting pleasure and intelligence to all around him. 
In all this he was modest, chaste and discreet, avoiding any appear- 
ance of superiority, carefully guarding against personal allusions, even 
to his most bitter enemies. He spoke ill of no individual, and checked 
slander in others whenever he discovered it. His morals were of the 
purest order, his philanthropy was of the loftiest kind. As a public 
servant, a private citizen, a kind husband, a faithful father, a warm 
friend, an honourable enemy and a noble patriot, the name of George 
Clymer stands pre-eminent. 

He was of the middle size, well formed, fair complexion, with a 
countenance attractive, intelligent, expressive of a strong mind, pleas- 
ing and ingenuous. He closed his long and useful career on the 23d 
of January, 1813, at the residence of his son at Morrisville, Berks 
county, in his native state, most deeplv mourned by those who knew 
him best. 






CARTER BRAXTON. 

It often happens that those who forget right and abuse power un- 
dermine the foundation of their own citadel, and prepare the way to 
be shorn of their present enjovments by an improper course to en- 
hance them. Thus it was with England. Previous to the causes 
that produced the American revolution, the idea of a separation from 
the mother country, and of forming an independent government, had 
probab'y never entered the minds of but few of the patriots who were 
engaged in its consummation. When the impolitic measures towards 
the colonists were first commenced, relying upon their chartered 
rights, based upon the British constitution as they were, they believ- 
ed their grievances would and must be redressed by the king, when 
properly requested by petitions. These were repeatedly forwarded 
to him, couched in the most respectful and eloquent language, to 
which he turned a deaf ear. Parliament was appealed to in vain. 



CARTER BRAXTON. 153 

Remonstrances formed the next link in the chain. They also were 
treated with contempt. A formal demand to desist from oppression 
in bold, but still in respectful language, breathing allegiance to the 
king in every word, was the next resort — but all to no purpose. The 
ministerial cry, give — give — give — resounded from Albion's shore, 
and pierced afresh the sensibilities of the imploring suppliants. Reso- 
lutions of non-importation followed; these produced menaces from 
the British military, a preparation for resistance by the colonies suc- 
ceeded; American blood was spilt; the tocsin of war was sounded; 
millions rushed to the conflict; the struggle was long, doubtful, and 
bloody; the patriots triumphed; the power of Britain was dissolved; 
Columbia was free and patriots rejoiced. 

Among them stood Carter Braxton, the son of George Braxton, 
a wealthy planter, who resided on the north bank of Mattapony river, 
where he owned a valuable plantation, situated in the county of King 
and Queen, Virginia. At that beautiful place Carter was born, on 
the 10th of September, 1736. His paternal ana maternal connections 
were highly respectable and wealthy, and several of them officers of 
the crown at various periods. He was liberally educated at the col- 
lege of William and Mary, and reared amidst all the splendours of 
opulence, without the tender care of a mother to correct his childish 
foibles, or of a father to guard him against the errors of youth; the 
former having died when he was but seven days old, and the latter 
when he was quite young. When but nineteen years of age, he mar- 
ried the beautiful and amiable Judith Robinson, who was very 
wealthy, and entered into full possession of his large estate, which, 
united with that of his wife, constituted a princely fortune. She sur- 
vived but a short time, leaving him two daughters, the youngest but 
a few hours old. 

To assuage his grief, he sailed for England, where he remained for 
nearly three years, during which time he added greatly to the store 
of knowledge he had previously acquired, and became familiar with 
the feelings, views, and designs of that kingdom towards his native 
country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility, from 
whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the ministe- 
rial conclave then concocting plans to raise money in America to 
support royalty in Great Britain. 

Although his family connections were favourites of the king, and 
every thing around him was calculated to foster aristocracy in his 
bosom, Mr. Braxton became a warm friend of liberal principles and 
equal rights. Soon after his return from Europe, in 1760, he was 
elected a member of the house of burgesses, and, in 1765, was an 
ardent supporter in that body of the bold resolutions offeied by 
Patrick Henry, relative to the stamp act. From that time forward 
he was a zealous advocate in the cause of freedom. He was one 
of the house in May, 1769, when the proceedings of the members 
excited the ire of the royal governor Bottetourt to sucli a degree that 
he dissolved them without ceremony. They immediately repaired to 
a private room in Williamsburg, and entered into a solemn agree- 
ment not to import any articles from the mother country until their 
20 



154 CARTER BRAXTON. 

chartered rights were restored. The same members were elected to 
the next session, and, being aware of the kind of materials he had to 
manage, the smooth and shrewd governor lulled them into a more 
quiet mood by the syren song of promises, assuring them that at 
the next session of parliament the offensive revenue taxes would 
be removed. Still cherishing hopes that their rights would be re- 
cognised, they waited in respectful but watchful silence. Mr. Brax- 
ton was an active member of committees and an agreeable speaker. 
In the house of burgesses there were six standing committees, one 
on courts of justice, one on public claims, one on elections and 
privileges, one on trade, one on grievances and propositions, and one 
on religion. Of the three last, then by far the most important, Mr. 
Braxton was uniformly a member. In 1771, governor Bottetourt 
died, and was succeeded by Lord Dunmore, who, being fresh from the 
fountain of high notions and ministerial corruption, dissolved the tur- 
bulent assembly then in commission, and issued his proclamation for 
a new election. Mr. Braxton was then sheriff of his county, and 
could not serve in the house. The people continued to live on pro- 
mises and hang on hope until the 27th of May, 1774, when the house 
of burgesses again took a bold stand against oppression, and was pe- 
remptorily dissolved by Lord Dunmore. He then dissolved the gor- 
dian knot virtually; the people became enraged; eighty-nine of the 
members, immediately after the dissolution, formed themselves, with 
many other patriots, into an association of resistance, and the fire of 
freedom began to rise in curling flames. In August, a convention of 
the friends of liberty met in Williamsburg, of which Mr. Braxton was 
an active member. They elected seven delegates to meet the Con- 
gress at Philadelphia, and bound themselves to act in concert with 
the people of Boston, in the common cause, against the common 
enemy. Governor Dunmore had a new house of burgesses elected; 
not being pleased with their proceedings he prorogued it several times, 
until he prorogued himself, on the night of the 7th of June, 1775, on 
board the armed ship Fowey, never again to assume his power over 
the turbulent rebels of America. The Virginia convention met 
again in March, 1775, and took every precaution necessary to put 
their state in a condition of defence. In April following, Lord Dun- 
more had caused the powder to be removed from the magazine, under 
pretence that it would probably be needed in another part of the 
colony, to repel an expected insurrection of the blacks. This enraged 
the people, who assembled in large numbers, but were persuaded to 
return to their homes by Peyton Randolph. Not fully satisfied, a 
Spartan band soon after collected, headed by Patrick Henry, and pro- 
ceeded towards Williamsburg, determined on having the powder or 
its equivalent. An armed force was sent from the Fowey to sustain 
the governor; this only enraged the patriots; the spilling of blood 
seemed inevitable. At that juncture Mr. Braxton and others inter- 
ceded; the powder was paid for by the receiver-general; Mr. Henry 
gave a receipt for the money, and his troops returned home. 

The flight of the governor was the dissolution of British power in 
Virginia. For a time the government was managed entirely by the 



CARTER BRAXTON. I55 

committee of safety, of which Mr. Braxton was a member. On the 
15th of December, 1775, he was elected to the Continental Congress, 
and entered upon the duties of his new station with great zeal and 
vigour. He had already seen much public service, and was prepared 
to act well his part. He advocated, voted for, and signed the decla- 
ration, the instrument that formally dissolved the maternal ties that 
bound the pilgrim fathers to chains and slavery. On the return of 
Mr. Braxton from Congress the next autumn he took his seat in the 
first Virginia legislature convened under their republican constitu- 
tion, having been elected the May previous. A formal vote of thanks 
to him and Thomas Jefferson, for their faithful services in Congress, 
is upon the records of that body, dated the 12th of October, 1776. 
From that time to his death, he was often a member of the legislature 
of his state, sometimes in one branch and sometimes in the other. 
He was a member of council when he died, and was in his seat only 
four days previous to his decease. 

During the war, he had lost a large portion of his fortune by the 
British, and after its close he was extremely unfortunate, and was 
reduced to indigent and perplexing circumstances. For a time, he 
led his friends into speculative projects in order to resuscitate his 
adverse circumstances, all of which proved abortive, injuring them 
without benefitting him, and he finally sunk under a load of affliction, 
which produced an excitement that was followed by paralysis, a 
second attack of which ended his useful and eventful career at Rich- 
mond, Virginia, on the 10th of October, 1797. Under all these try- 
ing circumstances, his reputation did not suffer, he lost none of his 
well earned fame as an able and faithful public servant, and an honest 
and worthy man. His private character was of the most amiable 
kind; he was a perfect gentleman and fulfilled all the relations of life 
with fidelity. His name is justly placed high upon the list of endur- 
ing fame, as a man who was a faithful sentinel in the cause of equal 
rights, who contributed largely in consummating that independence 
we now enjoy, that freedom of which we boast, that liberty which we 
are bound to cherish, protect, preserve, and perpetuate. 



JOHN MORTON. 

Courage and fortitude, unaided by wisdom, often lead men into 
unforeseen and unexpected difficulties. Combined, they form a power 
for action equal to the lever, the fulcrum and the screw. Some men 
possess a brave and dauntless spirit that knows no fear, but not pos- 
sessed of the helm of wisdom to plan and discretion to act, can never 
become successful leaders. Guided by a wise prudence, blended 
with a talent to conceive and a boldness to execute, the weak become 
strong and effect wonders, at which they themselves look with asto- 



156 



JOHN MORTON. 



nishment after the mighty work is completed. To the unparalleled 
wisdom of the sages of the American revolution we owe the blessings 
of the liberty we now enjoy, more than to the physical strength of our 
country at that time. Compared with the fleets and armies of the 
mother country at the eventful era of the birth of our nation, the 
available force of the colonies dwindles into significance. The one a 
Goliah clad in armour; the other, a boy with a puerile sling. The 
one, a giant in the vigour of his glory; the other, an infant bursting 
into life. To the wisdom of the revolutionary sages, then, under 
God, we must ascribe the success of the noble work they conceived, 
planned and executed. 

As a cool, deliberate and prudent man, the name of John Morton 
is memorable. He was born in Ridley, Delaware county, Pennsyl- 
vania, about four miles from Chester, in the year 1724. His ances- 
tors immigrated from Sweden at an early period, and settled along 
the Delaware not far from Philadelphia. The father of John Morton, 
of the same christian name, married Mary Richards when he was very 
young, and died before his son was born, and before he arrived at his 
majority. The widow was subsequently married by John Sketchly, an 
intelligent Englishman, who proved a good husband and a kind step- 
father. Mr. Morton was principally indebted to him for his educa- 
tion, having enjoyed the advantages of a school but three months. 
Himself a skilful surveyor and well versed in mathematics, he made 
his step-son master of that important science. No branch of educa- 
tion is as well calculated to lead the mind into the path of precision 
of thought and action as this. Based upon invariable truth and lucid 
demonstration, never resting on false premises, always arriving at in- 
controvertible conclusions, it gives a tone to the mental powers calcu- 
lated to produce the most beneficial results. 

Young Morton continued with his parental guardian until manhood 
dawned upon him, aiding in the management of the farm and in sur- 
veying, constantly storing his mind with useful and substantial know- 
ledge, blending and testing theory with practice. In 1764, he was 
commissioned a justice of the peace, and shortly after was elected to 
the assembly of his native state. He soon became conspicuous, and 
was subsequently speaker of the house during several sessions. He 
took a deep interest in the welfare of his country, and was a member 
of the Congress assembled at New York in 1765 to concert measures 
for the repeal of the odious stamp act. He concurred in the strong 
and bold measure of that body, which virtually kindled the fire of the 
revolution, which, although smothered for a time, was never extin- 
guished until it consumed the last vestige of British power in Ame- 
rica. In 1767, he became the sheriff of his county, which station he 
ably filled for three years. He was then appointed president judge 
of his district, and rose rapidly in the estimation of his fellow citi- 
zens. He also endeared himself to society by a matrimonial connec- 
tion with Miss Anne Justis of the state of Delaware, an amiable and 
accomplished lady, who contributed largely to his happiness in life. 
Soon after the clarion of war was sounded from the heights of Lexing- 
ton, the indignation of the people in his neighbourhood was so roused 



JOHN MORTON. J 57 

that they raised a battalion of volunteers and elected judge Morton 
colonel. He was under the necessity of declining the proffered honour, 
having recently been appointed a judge of the supreme court of Penn- 
sylvania. In July, 1774, he was appointed by the assembly of that 
state a member of the Congress that convened in Philadelphia in Sep- 
tember following. The object of that Congress was to effect peace 
and reconciliation between the two countries, and contract, instead 
of enlarging, the breach of amity. Men of wisdom and deep thought, 
fired by a holy patriotism, were selected for the all important delibe- 
rations on which depended the future destiny of themselves and un- 
born millions. When they assembled, a deep and awful solemnity 
pervaded every mind. The proceedings were opened by prayer, and 
every soul seemed to commune with the spirits of another world, as by 
vesper orisons. After the address to the throne of grace was closed, a 
protracted silence ensued; nought but the flitting of the purple stream 
and the throbbing of anxious hearts was heard. The trembling tears 
and quivering lip told the emotions of many a bosom, too strong to be 
endured, too full to be expressed, too deep to be fathomed. At length 
the mighty spirit of Henry burst forth in the majesty of its native 
glory, and broke the magic spell. In bold and glowing colours, 
strongly shaded with dignified sincerity, and painted upon the can- 
vass of eternal justice and truth, he presented American rights and 
British wrongs. When he closed, every patriot responded a hearty 
— Amen. Their mouths were opened, their burdens lightened, and 
they could breathe more freely. 

In May of the next year, judge Morton again took his seat in Con- 
gress, and in November following was re-elected, although then 
speaker of the assembly of his state. In July, 1776, he attended that 
august body for the last time, and placed an enduring seal upon the 
bright escutcheon of his name, by signing the chart of liberty, the 
manifesto of freemen against the usurpations of tyranny. 

During the time he was in Congress, he rendered very efficient ser- 
vices, and was highly esteemed as a cool, deliberate, discerning man; 
purely patriotic, firm in his principles, and anxious to do all in his 
power to promote the righteous cause of his bleeding country. With 
all these feelings resting upon his mind, he was among those who 
weighed deeply the consequences of severing the bonds that bound 
the colonies to the mother country. Unsustained, the step was death 
or a more cruel slavery. To all human appearance the patriots must 
be crushed by the physical force of their enemies then pouring in upon 
them. There were five delegates from his state, two of them had de- 
termined on going against the measure, which left him to give the 
casting vote. The responsibility he considered of the greatest mag- 
nitude. On it depended the enhanced misery or" the happy deliver- 
ance of his country. The former he feared, the latter he hoped for. 
When the time arrived for final action, his patriotism preponderated 
over his doubts, and he cast his vote in favour of the important instru- 
ment that was to prove either the warrant of death or the diploma of 
freedom. Some, of his old friends censured him strongly for the bold 
act, and would not be reconciled to him, even when he lay upon the 



j 58 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

bed of death; so strong were the feelings of men during the revolu- 
tion. His dying message to them showed that his conscience ap- 
proved the work his hand had done. "Tell them that they will live 
to see the hours when they shall acknowledge it to have been the 
most glorious service that I have ever rendered to my country." The 
truth of his prophecy has been most happily verified. 

When the articles of confederation were under discussion by Con- 
gress, judge Morton was frequently chairman of the committee of the 
whole, and performed the duty with great dignity and ability. 

In April, 1777, he was attacked with a violent fever, highly inflam- 
matory, which terminated his life in a few days, in the midst of his 
usefulness, with fresh honours awaiting him as time advanced. His 
premature death was deeply mourned by his bereaved companion, 
eight children, a large concourse of intimate friends, by the members 
of the bar, by his associate judges, by the state legislature, by Con- 
gress, and by every patriot of his country. 

As a private citizen, he possessed an unusual share of esteem. He 
was endowed with all the amiable qualities that enrich the domestic 
and social circle, and, as a crowning glory to his fair fame, he pro- 
fessed and adorned the christian religion, and died triumphing in 
faith. His dust reposes in the cemetery of St. James' church, in 
Chester: his name is recorded on the enduring tablet of fame. His 
examples are worthy of imitation; his brief career admonishes us of 
the uncertainty of life; his happy demise is an evidence of the truth 
of real piety. 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

A strong propensity exists in every investigating, reflecting mind, 
to explore the labyrinthian abysm of the past. The classic reader 
dwells with rapture upon oriental time. Its remoteness sheds around 
it a sacredness that increases veneration, and leaves the fancy to 
wonder and admire. Human foibles descend with the body to the 
tomb, and are covered by the mantle of oblivion. Human faults, not 
enrolled on the black catalogue of crime, are often eclipsed by tran- 
scendant virtues, find no place upon the historic page, and leave after 
generations to gaze at a picture of native beauty, which, as time rolls 
over it, assumes deeper and holier shades, until it commands the re- 
verence of all who behold it. The names of Demosthenes, Cicero, 
Socrates, Solon, Cincinnatus, and many others, over whose dust cen- 
turies have rolled, are referred to with as profound respect as if 
angel purity had stamped their every action with the impress of di- 
vinity. The same bright portrait awaits the name of every good and 
great man. That of each of the signers of the declaration of inde- 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 159 

pendence has long attracted the earnest gaze of admiring millions, 
and becomes more sacred as time advances. 

Upon the tablet of enduring fame, stands the name of Richard 
Henry Lee, in bold relievo. He was the son of Thomas Lee, and 
born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 20th of January, 
1732. His ancestors were among the early settlers of the Old Domi- 
nion, and among those who guided the concerns and directed the 
destinies of the colony. They were the friends of liberal principles, 
and at all times resisted every encroachment upon their rights. The 
arbitrary power exercised by Charles the first over his European 
subjects, which hurled him from his throne, was successfully resisted 
by the Lees of Virginia. When Cromwell assumed the crown, his 
power was not recognised by this colony, and the mandate that first 
proclaimed the second Charles king, originated with Lee and Berk- 
ley of the Old Dominion. 

The plan of ultimate independence seems to have been long che- 
rished and nursed by the elder Lees. Through the bright vista of 
the future they contemplated the millennium of freedom in America. 
So strongly impressed was the father of the present subject with this 
idea, that he fixed in his mind the location of the seat of government, 
and in view of this, purchased lands in the vicinity of Washington. 
By some historians this is called a paradox which philosophy has been 
perplexed to explain. To my mind the solution is involved in no 
mysterious perplexity. A man of deep reflection does not draw his 
conclusions from present appearances alone. He compares the past 
with the present, from which he makes deductions for the future. 
The historic map of the old world is covered with the rise, progress, 
and downfall of kingdoms and nations. Judging from the causes that 
produced them, and the results that followed, it was the natural con- 
clusion of a penetrating mind, that the expansive territory we now 
possess, with all the bounties of nature lavished upon it, and with in- 
telligent and enterprising immigrants pouring in upon it, must even- 
tually be so densely populated that its physical force would become 
too strong for any European power to maintain a dominion over it. 
Its geographical centre, with reference to the settlements then in pro- 
gress, was equally plain. The "prophecy," as it has been termed, 
was the result of deep thought, arriving at conclusions drawn from 
the laws of nature, and shows that Mr. Lee possessed an analyzing 
mind that moved in a broad circumference. 

Richard Henry Lee commenced his education at Wakefield, York- 
shire, England, and remained in that kingdom until he completed it. 
He returned a finished scholar and an accomplished gentleman, with 
a reputation untarnished by folly or vice. From his youth his inte- 
grity and morality were of the purest order; he delighted in reposing 
under the ethic mantle. During his absence his innate republicanism 
did not become tinctured with the farina of European courts, or the 
etiquette of aristocracy. In classic history he found the true dignity 
of man portrayed, and his inalienable rights delineated. In the phi- 
losophy of Locke he saw the rays of light reflected upon human na- 
ture, and the avenues of the immortal mind opened to his enraptured 



j 6Q RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

view. In the elements of Euclid the laws of demonstration were 
exhibited to his understanding, and aided in maturing his logical 
powers. He was prepared to enter upon the great theatre of public 
action, and to adorn the circle of private life. Endowed with these 
qualifications, his services were naturally required by his country. 
His first public act was to raise a body of troops and tender his ser- 
vices to General Braddock. That proud Briton considered the pro- 
vincials puerile, and declined the proft'ered aid. His fate is a matter 
of history. In 1757, Mr. Lee was appointed a justice of the peace 
and president of the court. Shortly after, he was elected to the house 
of burgesses, where he made himself thoroughly acquainted with the 
laws of legislation, the ramifications of the government, the various 
interests and policy of the colony, and with the rules of parliamentary 
proceedings. 

Retarded by an almost unconquerable diffidence, he took very little 
part in debate at first, and it was not until he became excited by a 
subject in which he felt a deep interest, that his Ciceronean powers 
became developed. A bill was before the house imposing a duty 
upon the importation of slaves into Virginia, so heavy as to virtually 
amount to a prohibition. It met with strong opposition, and then it 
was that Richard Henry Lee became roused, and poured upon his 
astonished audience a flood of eloquence against the importing traffic 
of human beings, that raised him at once to the pinnacle of fame as 
an eloquent orator. He was proclaimed the Cicero of America. He 
painted, in vivid colours, the cruelties of Cortes in South America, 
of the Saracens in Spain, and then pointed his colleagues to the darker 
and more barbarous practices that marked and branded with lasting 
infamy the unhallowed slave trade. He also pointed them to the 
bloody scenes of other times, when the physical force of those held 
in bondage had enabled them to rise in their might and crush their 
masters at one bold effort. By stopping the traffic the evil already 
entailed upon them might be provided for, and the certain and dread- 
ful consequences of a constant influx from Africa be warded off. His 
eloquence was applauded, but his doctrines of philanthropy were 
voted down. The trade was then sanctioned by the government of 
Great Britain, now so loud in complaints against us, for not provid- 
ing for an evil entailed upon America by the mother country. 

The exposure of base corruptions practised by Mr. Robinson, then 
treasurer of the colony, was the next important service rendered by 
Mr. Lee. As this was participated in by the aristocracy of the 
house it required much boldness, energy, and persevering sagacity 
to introduce the probe successfully. This he effected in a masterly 
manner, and proved clearly that the treasurer had repeatedly re-issued 
reclaimed treasury bills to his favourite friends to support them in 
their extravagance, by which means the colony, in paying them a se- 
cond time, was robbed of the amount. This act placed Mr. Lee on 
a high eminence in view of every honest man. 

When Charles Townshend laid before the British parliament the 
odious and more extensive plan of taxing the American colonies, 
which was seized upon as a philosopher's stone by Mr. Grenville, 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. \Ql 

Mr. Lee was among the first to sound the alarm to his countrymen. 
Within one month after the passage of the preliminary act in parlia- 
ment followed by a revolting catalogue of unconstitutional and op- 
pressive laws, Mr. Lee furnished a list of arguments against it to his 
London friends, that were sufficient to convince every man of the in- 
justice and ruinous policy of the measure proposed, who was not 
blind to the dictates of reason and madly bent on enslaving his fel- 
low men. When Patrick Henry proposed his resolutions in 1765, 
against the stamp act, which brought out the full force of his gigantic 
mind for the first time, Mr. Lee gave them the powerful aid of his 
eloquent and unanswerable logic* Associations began now to be 
organized to resist the oppressions of the crown of which he was a 
prominent and efficient member. The collector of stamps was com- 
pelled to relinquish his office and deliver up his commission and the 
odious paper, and the people were advised not to use it on any occa- 
sion. 

The pen of Mr. Lee was also ably used and produced many keen, 
withering, logical, patriotic and sarcastic essays, that contributed 
largely in producing a proper tone of enthusiastic patriotism in the 
public mind. He also corresponded with the patriots of New York 
and New England, and was the first one according to the testimony 
of Colonel Gadsden, of South Carolina, and the public documents of 
that eventful era, who proposed the independence of the colonies, 
which tends to strengthen the allusion to his ancestors, who had for 
a century before predicted this event. The idea had probably been 
handed down from sire to son. In a letter from Richard Henry 
Lee to Mr. Dickinson, dated July 25th, 1768, connected with the 
statement of Colonel Gadsden, he proposes upon all seasonable oc- 
casions to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of a 
struggle with Great Britain "for the ultimate establishment of inde- 
pendence," and ' fc that a private correspondence should be conducted 
by the lovers of liberty in every province." His early proposition in 
Congress to sever the maternal ties, was considered by most of the 
friends of liberty premature and rash; but he had long nursed this 
favourite project in his own bosom and was anxious to transplant its 
vigorous scions to the congenial hearts of his fellow patriots. 

Soon after the house of burgesses convened in 1769, Mr. Lee, as 
chairman of the judiciary committee, introduced resolutions so highly 
charged with liberal principles, sapping the foundation of the Gren- 
ville superstructure, that they caused a dissolution of the house, and 
concentrated the wrath of the British ministry and its servile creatures 
against him. The fruits of their persecution were the formation of 
non-importation associations, committees of correspondence, com- 
mittees of safety, and the disaffection of the English merchants towards 
the ministers, in consequence of their impolitic measures, which were 
calculated to prostrate the exporting trade to America. 

Lord North now assumed the management of the grand drama 
of oppression, and laid more deeply the revenue plan. By causing a 

* See them at large in the life of Henry. 



162 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 



repeal of the most offensive acts, he hoped to lull the storm of oppo- 
sition that was gathering, disarm the colonists of the spirit of resist- 
ance, and, in the meantime, prepare for more efficient action. Had 
the Boston port bill been omitted, his dark designing treachery might 
have had a more triumphant reign. This roused the indignation of 
the people and fanned the burning flame of patriotic resentment to a 
white heat. 

The Philadelphia Congress of 1774 was now planned, in which Mr. 
Lee took, his seat. At that memorable meeting he acted a conspicu- 
ous part. After Patrick Henry had broken the great seal that ap- 
peared to rest on the lips of the members as they sat in deep and 
solemn silence, he was followed by Richard Henry Lee in a strain 
of belles lettres eloquence and persuasive reasoning that took the 
minds of his audience captive, and restored to a calm the boiling agi- 
tation that shook their manly frames as the mountain torrent of the 
Demosthenean Henry rushed upon them. 

He was a member of the committee appointed to prepare an address 
to the king, the people of Great Britain, and to the colonies. That 
document was written by him and adopted with a few amendments. 
He was also upon the committee that prepared the address to the 
people of Quebec, and upon the committee of rights and grievances, 
and of non-intercourse with the mother country. In the warmth of 
his ardour, he proposed several resolutions that were considered pre- 
mature at that time, and were rejected; not because his purity of 
purpose was doubted, but because many of the members still hoped 
that peace might be restored by a timely redress of the grievances 
they had strongly and clearly set forth in their petition and address 
to the king and his advisers, and were not willing then to take any 
action to widen the breach between the two countries. The pro- 
ceedings of this Congress were highly applauded by Lord Chatham, 
as being without a parallel for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity 
and wisdom of conclusion. 

In 1775, Mr. Lee was unanimously elected to the Virginia legisla- 
ture and continued to act with undiminished zeal. He received a 
vote of thanks from that body "for his cheerful undertaking and faith- 
ful discharge of the trust reposed in him during the last Congress," 
and was immediately appointed a delegate to the next. A more con- 
genial field was now opened for the ardent spirit of this devoted 
patriot. Temporizing was no longer the order of the day. Vigorous 
action had become necessary, and the ze,al and industry of Mr. Lee 
had ample scope. With all his might he entered upon the good work. 
Upon committees, in the house, every where, he was all activity. In 
1776, he was again a member of the national legislature, and in 
obedience to the instructions of the Virginia legislature and of his 
own conscience, on the 7th of June of that year, he offered the reso- 
lution for the adoption of a Declaration of Independence, and enforced 
it by one of the most brilliant and powerful displays of refined and 
forcible eloquence ever exhibited by man. On the 10th of the same 
month he was called home by the illness of his family, which pre- 
vented him from taking his place as chairman of the committee upon 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 163 

his resolution agreeably to parliamentary rules. Mr. Jefferson was 
selected in his stead. The wrath of British power was now roused 
against him. During his short stay at home, an armed force broke 
into his house in the night, and by threats and bribes endeavoured to 
induce his servants to inform them where their master could be found. 
They persisted in affirming that he had started for Philadelphia. He 
was not in his house at the time, but a few miles from it with a friend. 

In August he returned to Congress and most cheerfully affixed his 
name to that instrument which his imagination had dwelt upon for 
years. He served until June, 1777, when he returned to Virginia 
in order to confute a base slander, charging him with unfaithfulness 
to the American cause, in consequence of his having received rents 
in kind instead of continental money. He was honourably acquitted 
by the assembly and a vote of thanks for his valuable services was passed 
by that body. During the two ensuing years his health did not per- 
mit him to sit in Congress but a part of the time, but in all the vast 
concerns that occupied the attention of that body he took a deep in- 
terest and aided by his counsel. 

The portals of military fame were now opened to Mr. Lee. The 
enemy, defeated in the north, made a rush upon the southern states. 
He was appointed to the command of the militia of his native county, 
and proved as competent to wield the sword and lead his men to the 
field of epic glory, as he was to command the admiration of his au- 
dience by his eloquence. He annoyed the operations of the enemy 
in his vicinity whenever they approached, and made admirable ar- 
rangements for the defence of the country under his charge. In 
1780-1-2, he served in the legislature of Virginia. The propositions 
of making paper money a legal tender, of paying debts due to the 
mother country, and of raising a tax to support the clergy, or a gene- 
ral assessment to support the christian religion, were then before the 
house and excited great interest. Mr. Lee advocated them, Mr. 
Henry opposed them. Upon the sacredness of contracts he based his 
arguments in support of the two first; from the principles of ethics he 
drew conclusions in favour of the last. He considered good faith in 
the former necessary to secure peace and respect, and an adherence 
to the latter necessarv to correct vice and purge the body politic from 
moral corruptions, the bane of any government. He remarked, "Re- 
finers may weave reason into as fine a web as they please, but the ex- 
perience of all times shows religion to be the guardian of morals." 
He contended that the declaration of rights was aimed against restric- 
tions in the form and mode of worship, and not against the legal com- 
pulsory support of it. 

In 1784, Mr. Lee was again elected to Congress and chosen presi- 
dent of that body. At the close of the session he received a vote of 
thanks for the faithful and able performance of his duty, and retired 
to the bosom of his family to rest from his long and arduous public 
toils. Under the federal constitution he was elected to the first senate 
of the United States, and fully sustained the high reputation he had 
before acquired. Infirmity at length compelled him to bid a final 
farewell to the public arena, and, with the honours of a most flatter- 



1(J4 STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

ing resolution of thanks for his many valuable services, passed by the 
Virginia legislature on the 22nd of October, 1792, he retired to the 
peaceful shades of Chantilly, in his native county, covered with laurels 
of lasting fame. There he lived esteemed, beloved, respected and 
admired, until the 19th of June, 1794, when the angel of death libe- 
rated his immortal spirit from its prison of clay, and seraphs from hea- 
ven wafted his soul to realms of bliss beyond the skies, there to enjoy 
the rich reward of a life well spent. 

Mr. Lee was a rare model of human excellence and refinement. 
He was a polished gentleman, an accomplished scholar, orator and 
statesman. In exploring the vast fields of science he gathered from 
them the choicest flowers and the most substantial fruits. The clas- 
sics, belles lettres, the elements of civil, municipal, national and com- 
mon law, and the principles of every kind of government, were all 
familiar to his mind. He was ardently patriotic, pure and firm in his 
purposes, honest and sincere in his motives, liberal and republican in 
his general principles, frank and open in his designs, and highly ho- 
nourable in his course. As an orator the modulation of his voice, 
manner of action, and mode of reasoning, were a fac simile of his great 
prototype, Cicero, as described by Rollin. 

His private character was above reproach. He possessed and exer- 
cised all those amiable qualities calculated to impart substantial hap- 
piness to those around him. To crown with enduring splendour all 
his rich and varied talents, he was a christian and an honest man. 
Whilst his dust reposes in peace let his examples deeply impress our 
minds and excite us to imitation. 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

Party spirit when based on selfishness, unhallowed ambition and 
venal corruption, is a gangrene in the body politic. Its history is red 
with blood — blackened by the darkest crimes, its career has been 
marked with all the terrific horrors that demons could plan and wicked 
men execute. It rides upon the whirlwind of faction; it is wafted on 
the tornado of fanaticism; it is fanned by fell revenge and delights in 
human gore. It has been the mighty conqueror of nations; its burning 
lava has consumed kingdoms and empires; the fairest portions of crea- 
tion have been blighted by its rankling poison; countless millions have 
fallen by its murderous hand; and, fearful thought! its end has not 
yet come. 

A few rare instances are recorded where parties have arrayed them- 
selves against power, prompted alone by pure motives and elevated 
patriotism, guided by reason and sound policy. To be successful and 
not violate the laws of wisdom and justice, the leaders of a party must 
be men who are influenced alone by a desire to promote the general 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. I55 

good, aiming at holy ends to be accomplished by righteous means. 
The brightest example of this kind spread upon the pages of history 
was exhibited by the sages of the American revolution. No conven- 
tion of men ever assembled to consult upon a nation's rights and a 
nation's wrongs, graced with as much splendour of talent, sterling 
integrity, self-devotion and disinterested patriotism, as that of the 
Continental Congress of America. 

Among them, the patriarch, Stephen Hopkins, took a conspicuous 
place. He was a native of Scituate, Rhode Island, and born on the 
7th of March, 1707. He was the son of William Hopkins, a respecta- 
ble farmer, whose father, Thomas Hopkins, was one of the earliest 
settlers of that province. The juvenile education of the subject of 
this biographette was limited to the elementary English branches, 
then but superficially taught in the common schools. From that 
embryo beginning, he reared, from the force of his own exertions, a 
towering and beautiful superstructure. Remarkably attached to books, 
he spent all his leisure hours in the acquisition of knowledge. A 
farmer in easy circumstances, he devoted a portion of the day and his 
quiet evenings to the improvement of his mind. 

No profession not literary, affords so good a chance for mental ex- 
ercise and reflection as that of agriculture. It is their own fault if 
the independent tillers of the soil are not enlightened and intelligent. 
The time was when ignorance was winked at. That dark age has 
passed away, and now common sense and reason command all to 
drink at the scholastic fountain. 

Blessed with strong intellectual powers, Mr. Hopkins acquired a 
thorough knowledge of mathematics at an early period and became 
an expert surveyor. At the age of nineteen he married Sarah Scott, 
whose paternal great grand-father was the first Quaker who settled 
in Providence. After becoming the mother of seven children she 
died, and in 1755, Mr. Hopkins married the widow Anna Smith, a 
pious member of the society of Friends. 

In 1731, he was appointed town-clerk, soon after which he was ap- 
pointed clerk of the court and of the proprietors of the county. The 
ensuing year he was elected to the general assembly, and was conti- 
nued for six successive years. In 1735, he was elected to the town 
council, and for six years was president of that body. The next year 
he was appointed a justice of the peace and a judge of the common 
plea court, and in 1739 was elevated to the seat of chief justice of 
that branch of the judiciary. During the intervals of these public 
duties he spent much of his time at surveying. The streets of his 
native town and of Providence were regulated by him, and a projected 
map made of each. The next year he was appointed proprietary sur- 
veyor for the county of Providence, and prepared a laborious index of 
returns of all the lands west of the seven mile line, then laid out, which 
still continues a document of useful reference. Beauty and precision 
marked all his draughts and calculations. In 1741, he was again 
elected to the assembly. The next year he removed to Providence, 
and was elected, soon after his arrival, to the same public body, and 
was chosen speaker of the house. In 1744, the same honour was con- 



IQQ STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

ferred upon him, as also that of justice of the peace for Providence. 
In 1751, he was appointed chief justice of the superior court, and 
elected for the fourteenth time to the general assembly. In 1754, he 
was a delegate to the colonial Congress held at Albany, for the pur- 
pose of effecting a treaty with the five nations of Indians in order to 
gain their aid, or at least their neutrality in the French war. A sys- 
tem of union similar to the confederation subsequently entered into 
by the Continental Congress, was recommended and' submitted at 
that time, but was vetoed by England and not adopted by the colo- 
nies. 

In 1755, when the triumphant victories of the French and their 
savage allies spread consternation over the frontier settlements, a re- 
quisition for troops was made by the earl of Loudoun, then commander 
of the king's forces. The quota from Rhode Island was four hundred 
and fifty, and no one was more active than Mr. Hopkins in raising 
them. The next year he was elected chief magistrate of the colony. 
In 1757, the fall of fort William Henry and the sad reverses of the 
English army, made it necessary that the colonists should raise an 
efficient force for self-protection. A company of volunteers, com- 
posed of the most respectable gentlemen of Providence, was orga- 
nized and Mr. Hopkins appointed to command it. The timely arrival 
of troops from the mother country dispensed with the necessity of their 
services. The ensuing year, this useful man was again elected chief 
magistrate, and served as such seven out of the eleven following 
years. 

In 1767, party spirit was rolling its mountain waves over Rhode 
Island so fearfully, that it threatened the prostration of social order 
and civil law. Anxious for the welfare of the colony, this patriotic 
Roman put forth his noblest effort* to check its bold career. In his 
message to the assembly he expressed his deep solicitude for the re- 
storation of harmony, and offered to retire at once from the public 
arena, if, in the opinion of that body, it would contribute in the 
slightest degree to heal the political breach. To show his sincerity 
he soon after retired from the public service, contrary to the wishes 
of his friends. His picture of that era so much resembles the poli- 
tical drama of the present time, in some sections of our republic at 
least, that I cannot forbear presenting it to the reader. 

"When we draw aside the veil of words and professions, when we 
attend to what is done and not to what is said, we shall find in the 
present age of our country, that liberty is only a cant term of faction, 
and freedom of speaking and acting, used only to serve the private 
interests of a party. What else can be the cause of our unhappy dis- 
putes? What other reason for the continual struggle for superiority 
and office? What other motive for the flood of calumny and reproach 
cast on each other? Behold the leading men meeting in cabals, and 
from thence dispersing themselves to the several quarters, to delude 
and deceive the people. The people are called together in tippling 
houses, their business neglected, their morals corrupted, themselves 
deluded; some promised offices for which they are unfit, and those 
who have disputes with their neighbours are assured of their causes 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. 167 

whether they be right or wrong. Those with whom these arts will 
not prevail, are tempted with the wages of unrighteousness, and are 
offered a bribe to falsify their oath and betray their country. By these 
scandalous practices, elections are carried and officers appointed. 
It makes little difference whether the officer, who in this manner ob- 
tains his place, is otherwise a good man or not; for, put in by a parly, 
he must do what they order, without being permitted to examine the 
rectitude even of his own actions. The unhappy malady runs through 
the whole body politic; men in authority are not revered, and there- 
fore lose all power to do good; the courts of judicature catch the in- 
fection and the sacred balance of justice does not hang even. All 
complain of the present administration, all cry out the times are hard 
and wish they might grow better. But complaints are weak, wishes 
are idle, cries are vain, even prayers will be ineffectual, if we do not 
universally amend. Will no friend, no patriot, step in and save the 
commonwealth from ruin? Will no good Samaritan come by and 
pour in the wine and oil into the bleeding wounds of his country?" 
Again, from his essay on the duties of freemen: "Permit me, there- 
fore, to remind my countrymen of the blood, the sufferings, the hard- 
ships and labour of their ancestors in purchasing the liberty and privi- 
leges they might peaceably enjoy. How can they answer it to fame, 
to honour, to honesty, to posterity, if they do not possess those ines- 
timable blessings with grateful hearts, with purity of morals, and trans- 
mit them with safety to the next generation? Nothing is desired but 
that every man in the community may act up to the dignity of his own 
proper character. Let every freeman carefully consider the particu- 
lar duty allotted to him as such by the constitution; let him give his 
suffrage with candour for the person he sincerely thinks best qualified; 
let him shun the man who speaks to him to persuade him how to vote; 
let him despise the man who offers him an office, and spurn the sordid 
wretch that would give him a bribe; let him think it his duty to give 
his vote according to his conscience, and not depend on others to do 
his duty for him. Let him know that as duty is not local, so neither 
is capacity or fitness for office confined to this or that town or place. 
Officers and magistrates I would humbly entreat to consider, that 
their turn has arrived to serve the commonwealth and not themselves; 
that their own discreet and exemplary behaviour is their chiefest and 
best authority to do good in their offices; that it is vain to command 
others to practise what we ourselves omit, or to abstain from what 
they see us do; that where moderation and example are insufficient 
to suppress vice, power ought to be used, even to its utmost severity, 
if necessary; and, above all, that justice should be, in all cases and 
under all circumstances, equally, impartially and expeditiously ad- 
ministered." 

This plain but lucid exposition of the duties of freemen, merits the 
highest consideration of the private citizen, the able statesman, and 
the profound judge. It is the effusion of a clear head, a good heart, 
and a noble mind. It exhibits briefly and fully, in language of unvar- 
nished but sublime simplicity, the only sure foundation of a republi- 
can government. It strikes at the very root of alarming evils, that at 



IQQ STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

this moment hang over our beloved country like an incubus. It is 
naked truth plainly told, and by us should be strongly felt and im- 
plicitly obeyed. 

Owing to the great reputation of Mr. Hopkins as a mathematician, 
he was called in June, 1769, to aid in taking observations upon the 
transit of Venus over the disk of the sun. So highly prized were 
his services on that occasion, that the pamphlet published upon the 
subject was dedicated to him. This rare phenomenon occurred in 
1739-61-69, and will occur again in 1874 and 1996, if the planetary 
system is not before dissolved, or changed in its primitive revolving 
course. 

Governor Hopkins had incurred the displeasure of the British mi- 
nistry previous to the revolution, by licensing vessels from Rhode 
Island to trade with the French and Spanish colonies. So long as it 
did not violate any act of parliament he continued to exercise the 
privilege, and disregarded the authority assumed but not delegated, 
of directing the local concerns of the colony. He had long been con- 
vinced that the mother country cared more for the fleece than the 
flock she claimed in America, which had often been left to contend 
alone against a merciless foe. With convictions like these upon his 
mind, a republican to the core, and valuing liberty above life, he was 
fully prepared to resist the first scintillations of the unconstitutional 
claims made by corrupt and corrupting ministers. When the stamp 
act was passed, his voice and his pen were arrayed against it. He 
showed clearly, that this and other acts of parliament had no founda- 
tion in justice, and were contrary to the spirit of the constitution of 
Great Britain. In 1772, the mountain torrent of local party spirit 
having subsided in the colony, and its effervescence submerged 
in the more absorbing question of British opression, Mr. Hopkins 
again took his seat in the assembly and continued a member for the 
three succeeding years. In 1774, this patriarch statesman was elected 
to the national Congress, and entered with a calm but determined zeal 
upon the responsible duties of that august convention. The same year 
he proposed and obtained the passage of a bill by the assembly of 
Rhode Island, entirely prohibiting the slave trade in that colony; and, 
to show that he strongly felt what he earnestly advocated, he emanci- 
pated all his negroes, some of the descendants of whom still reside in 
Providence. He had incorporated their freedom in his will dated 
some time previous. 

In 1775, he was appointed chief justice of the colony, was a mem- 
ber of the assembly and member of Congress; holding, simultaneously, 
a trio of offices. The ensuing year he was one of the immortalized 
fifty-six by whose exertions a nation was born in a day, and who 
signed, sealed, and delivered the certificate of legitimacy to their 
grateful country. The same year he was president of the board of 
commissioners of the New England states that convened at Provi- 
dence to consult and devise plans for the promotion of the glorious 
cause of freedom. The next year he presided over a similar board at 
Springfield, Massachusetts. In 1778, he was a member of Congress 
for the last time, and the next year closed his long, useful and arduous 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. \QQ 

public career in the assembly of his native state, and retired covered 
with the rich foliage of unfading honours, the growth of nearly half a 
century. The proud escutcheon of his public fame and private worth 
was without a spot to obscure its brilliant lustre. As a municipal 
officer, as a judge on the bench, as a legislator in the assembly, as 
the chief magistrate of the colony and as a member of the Continental 
Congress, he discharged all his duties ably, honestly, faithfully and 
with a single eye to the glory of his country. 

As a public speaker he made no pretensions to elocution, but was 
listened to with profound attention. His reasoning was strong, al- 
ways to the point in question, and his speeches short. His was a 
vigorous, clear, inquiring, analyzing mind, that surmounted every 
barrier with the same fortitude, energy and determined resolution 
that carried Bonaparte over the Alps, Sherman to the pinnacle of 
fame, and Franklin to the summit of science. 

He was a laborious and extensive reader and a friend to education. 
He was one of the principal founders of the Providence Library in 
1750, and when it was destroyed by fire ten years after, he contri- 
buted largely to a new supply of books. He also framed and ob- 
tained the passage of an act to establish free schools, and did all in his 
power to promote the cause of literature. 

He was a friend to unshackled religion, breathing charity for all 
whose deportment gave the impress of divine grace — the only genuine 
touchstone of true piety. He admired most the creed of the society 
of Friends, which frequently held meetings at his house. All gospel 
ministers were made welcome to his hospitable mansion, which was 
not unaptly called by some "the ministers' tavern." He was plain 
in all things and opposed to pomp and show. 

In addition to his multifarious public duties, he was extensively 
engaged in commerce, manufactures and agriculture. He was a sys- 
tematic, thorough business man, scrupulously honest, honourable and 
liberal. He never became wealthy, but enjoyed a competence through 
life. He was often placed in the crucible of domestic affliction. Of the 
seven children by his first wife, not one survived him. One son was 
murdered by the Indians, another died in Spain, and the youngest, 
who was the fourth sea captain of the family, was lost at sea as was 
supposed, his vessel having never been heard from after leaving the 
port of Providence. 

In the relations of husband, father, kinsman, friend, gentleman, 
benefactor, philanthropist, christian, neighbour and citizen, this 
public spirited man and pure patriot was a model of human excel- 
lence. 

His eventful career was closed on the 13th of July, 1785, after en- 
during the course of a slow and lingering fever with the same calm 
fortitude that had marked his whole life. He had lived respected 
and esteemed; he died peaceful and happy. To the last moments of 
his earthly pilgrimage he retained full possession of his mental powers, 
and approached the confines of eternity with a seraphic smile that 
augured heaven. He had long laboured under physical infirmities 
of a nervous nature; for many years it had been difficult for him to 

99 



170 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 

write his name. He was interred at Providence two days after his 
decease. 

His demise produced a mournful sensation throughout the country, 
and many from an unusual distance joined the numerous procession 
that followed his remains to the silent tomb. Let us all imitate his 
bright examples, that we may be useful in life, triumphant in death, 
and exalted beyond the grave. 



ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 

The love of liberty and the oppressions of those in power, first in- 
duced the pilgrim fathers to plant their standard on the granite shores 
of New England. They were not a band of visionary unprincipled 
speculators, but a band of intelligent, virtuous, pious, patriotic and 
enterprising citizens, who were, from the commencement, willing to 
risk their lives and fortunes in the cause of human rights. The early 
forms of government adopted by many of those infant settlements, 
were remarkably similar to those now in operation. The principles 
that actuated the patriots of the revolution were recognised and 
taught by many of the earliest immigrants. Although, in consequence 
of the charters emanating from the king, an allegiance was recognised, 
yet the people never intended to have those chains riveted upon them 
from which they had fled, nor surrender tamely the rights and privi- 
leges given them by the God of nature, and rendered more dear by 
years of toil and fountains of blood. To understand, appreciate, and 
guard these blessings, they correctly deemed intelligence the first 
grand requisite. Upon this principle they started, upon this princi- 
ple they lived, and their happy example soon spread its benign influ- 
ence far and wide. Hence, we find more intelligent, wise, reflecting, 
consistent, cool and deliberate men embarked in the cause of the 
American revolution than in any other recorded on the pages of history. 

Holding a conspicuous place among them, was Robert Treat 
Paine, a native of Boston, born in 1731, of highly respectable and 
religious parents. His father performed the duties of a clergyman 
until his health became impaired, when he embarked in the mercan- 
tile business. His mother was the daughter of an eminent divine, 
the Rev. Mr. Treat, of Eastham. From these pious parents he re- 
ceived those principles of virtue that enabled him to be useful 
through future life. Were there no other blessings flowing from re- 
ligion than its salutary influence upon the order and harmony of 
society, mankind would be richly paid for adhering to its principles. 
This consideration alone should close the mouth of every infidel op- 
poser, whatever may be the conclusions of his mind with reference to 
its origin and reality. 

At an early age, Mr. Paine was placed under Mr. Lovell, a classi- 



ROBERT TREAT PAINE. * J 7 J 

cal teacher in Boston, where his embryo talents rapidly expanded 
into a rich and luxuriant growth. At fourteen he became a student 
at Harvard College. After closing his studies at this ancient seat of 
learning, his parents, not only unable to aid him in business, required 
his assistance to render them comfortable. He, therefore, before 
commencing the study of a profession, employed his time for some 
months in teaching a public school, a business as honourable as it is 
useful, and which in point of dignity and compensation is now far 
inferior to the days of Greece and Rome. Isocrates, for a single 
course of lectures on rhetoric, received from one hundred of the 
Athenian scholars, fourteen thousand eight hundred dollars. No 
wonder the ablest talents were employed in advancing literature in 
classic Greece. 

Mr. Paine continued this business at intervals, which enabled him 
to contribute to the support of his worthy parents and a maiden sister, 
whose healths were impaired, and also to pursue the studies of his 
profession. He commenced the study of theology, but ultimately 
read and entered upon the practice of law. He first appeared at the 
Boston bar, and from there removed to Taunton, in the county of 
Bristol. He there acquired a firm and substantial eminence as an 
acute, sound and discreet lawyer and able advocate. He enjoyed 
the confidence and esteem of his numerous acquaintances. He was 
among the earliest patriots who opposed the innovations of the crown 
and boldly advanced liberal principles. He was a member of the 
conventions of 1768, called by the citizens of Boston, to take mea- 
sures for the preservation of their sacred rights, and which Governor 
Bernard vainly attempted to disperse before they completed their 
deliberations. 

He was employed, at the instance of Samuel Adams, by the people 
of Boston to conduct the prosecution against Captain Preston, for 
ordering his men to fire upon the populace on the 5th of March, 1770, 
which duty he discharged with great zeal and ability. During the 
gathering storm of the revolution, Mr. Paine was uniformly upon the 
important committees of the people, and many of the boldest resolu- 
tions that were adopted at the meetings and conventions of that try- 
ing period were from his pen. In 1*73, he was chosen a represen- 
tative to the general assembly, and was one of the members who 
conducted the impeachment of Peter Oliver, chief justice of the pro- 
vince, who was accused of acting under the direct influence of the 
crown instead of the assembly. In this trial, Mr. Paine manifested 
strong talent, and showed himself master of his profession. 

In 1774, he was again elected to the assembly, and boldly warned 
the people against the dangers to be apprehended from the appoint- 
ment of Governor Gage to succeed Governor Hutchinson. It was 
plainly seen that the designs of the British ministry were to be en- 
forced at the point of the bayonet. An awful, an alarming crisis was 
approaching. A committee, larger than at any previous time, was 
convened at Boston, which advised and proposed the plan of a 
General Congress. Governor Gage sent a messenger with an order 
for them to disperse, to whom they refused admittance until they 



172 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 

finished their deliberations, which resulted in the appointment of five 
delegates, one of which was Mr. Paine, to meet those from the other 
colonies at Philadelphia. This measure originated in Massachusetts, 
and had been proposed as early as 1765, and was strongly urged in 
a circular three years after. The set time had now arrived — the 
galling yoke had become painful — and the colonies generally acceded 
to the proposal. The ostensible object in convening this Congress 
was, not to effect a separation, but to obtain a relaxation of the severi- 
ties imposed by the crown. It is believed a large majority of the 
members when they assembled had never contemplated a declaration 
of independence; but among them were bold and ardent spirits, noble 
and patriotic hearts. As one of those, Mr. Paine stood conspicuous. 
Their language continued to be respectful to the crown, but their 
chartered rights they were determined to defend and protect. They 
did not attribute their sufferings to a bad heart in their king, but to 
the ambitious avarice of a corrupt ministry. Their proceedings were 
calm as a summer morning, but firm as the rock of ages. They ap- 
pealed to their sovereign, to the British nation, to the American peo- 
ple, and to a gazing world for the justice of their claims and the 
equity of their demands. But to Britain they appealed in vain. The 
cords of coercion were drawn with a stronger hand — their remon- 
strances and petitions were answered by legions of foreign soldiers 
in all the panoply of war — and servile submission or open resistance 
were the only alternatives left. Mr. Paine was also a member of the 
Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, convened at Concord, in Octo- 
ber, 1774, and was the principal in preparing a spirited address to 
the people of England, which did much to open the eyes of many in 
the mother country, and rouse the colonists to a just sense of the in- 
juries of the British parliament. 

The following year he was again elected a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress, and was placed upon many important committees. 
He was as indefatigable in his labours as he was zealous in the cause 
of human rights. He was chairman of the committee for the encour- 
agement of the manufacture of arms and for furnishing the army. 
He used to say, "I fear we shall become slaves, because we are not 
industrious enough to be free." 

Mr. Paine was appointed on the committee to prepare a constitu- 
tion for Massachusetts, and has the credit of framing that instrument. 
He was again elected to Congress, and in April, 1776, was appointed 
on a committee with Messrs. Jefferson and Rutledge to report rules 
to govern Congress in their deliberations, and upon the committee to 
inquire into the causes of the disasters of the campaign in Canada. — 
"When the glorious 4th of July, 1776, dawned upon Columbia's sons 
like smiling heaven, and the eagle of liberty soared in peerless 
majesty over their blood-stained soil, Mr. Paine was at his post. 
With a buoyant heart and a firm hand he affixed his name to that 
matchless instrument which is a terror to tyrants and the pride of 
freemen. He did much to rouse his friends to action by his letters, 
which he poured upon them in the most happy style. In his native 
state he stood on the pinnacle of fame — in the national legislature he 



ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 173 

was universally esteemed. He was still continued a member of Con- 
gress, and, when he could be spared, took a part in the legislative 
proceedings of Massachusetts. In 1777, he was speaker of the House 
of Representatives, and the same year was appointed attorney -general, 
by the unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature. He was 
a prominent member of the committee who formed the "regulating 
act" reducing the price of labour, goods, &c. to a standard of 
equality. In 1779, he was elected a member of the executive coun- 
cil, which, in conjunction with his other appointments, imposed upon 
him constant and arduous duties. At the adoption of the constitu- 
tion, he was re-appointed attorney-general of his native state, and con- 
tinued in that office until 1790, when he declined, in order to pursue 
some more lucrative business that he might provide for the wants of 
a large and destitute family. He had been a faithful public servant 
and had expended all but a bare and scanty support in the cause of 
his country. 

He was then appointed a judge of the superior court, which situa- 
tion he held until 1804, when his health compelled him to resign. 
He discharged the duties of this office with great justice and ability, 
and did much to advance the interests of religion, social order and 
a sound state of society. On his resignation, he was elected a coun- 
sellor of the commonwealth, and continued to impart his salutary 
advice and influence to his fellow-citizens until deatb closed his 
career on the 11th of May, 1814, when, calm and resigned, he fell 
asleep in the arms of his glorious Redeemer, reposing full confidence 
in His merits, and possessing a full assurance of a welcome entrance 
into realms of transcendent bliss beyond the skies, there to enjoy the 
rich reward of a crown of unfading glory through the rolling ages of 
eternity. 

In the life of Judge Paine, we have a picture which the christian, 
the patriot, the legislator, and the statesman, may contemplate with 
pleasure and delight. From the stations he occupied as the prosecu- 
tor for the commonwealth, and as the administrator of its laws, he 
obtained the reputation amongst some of being harsh, but no one 
dared to accuse him of injustice. His integrity was above the reach 
of slander. From his solicitude to confine a wayward son in the 
paths of rectitude, he was accused of being unkind to his family, an 
accusation as false as the heart was base that originated it. To his 
family he was all kindness and affection. No stronger proof need be 
adduced than his extreme anxiety for their welfare and usefulness. 
He was a friend to literature, and the founder of the American 
Academy of Massachusetts in 1780. The degree of LL.D. was con- 
ferred upon him by the Cambridge University. He was a striking 
example of the happy results of perseverance and industry, having 
acquired his fame without the aid of patronage in early life, rising by 
his own exertions, unaided by any, and administering to the comfort 
of his aged and destitute parents. His career in public and private 
life was marked with the purest integrity, the strictest morality, the 
utmost consistency and the noblest patriotism. His life was a con- 
tinued round of usefulness; his labours were a blessing to mankind; 



174 GEORGE TAYLOR. 

his death was surrounded by a sacred purity that reached from earth 
to heaven — his examples will be held in veneration by the great and 
good to the remotest period of truth-telling time. 



GEORGE TAYLOR. 

A purely confederate republican government to answer fully its 
beautiful theory, must be healthful and sound in all its parts, and be 
wielded by enlightened rulers whose hearts are free from all guile, 
whose judgments are strong and matured, whose characters are in all 
respects irreproachable, whose conduct is in all things consistent, 
whose patriotism and virtue extinguishes self and soar above all 
temptation to digress from the most exalted honesty and rigid moral 
rectitude, whose minds are stored with useful knowledge and large 
experience, and whose souls are imbued with wisdom from above. 

In such a condition and in such hands this kind of government is 
calculated to elevate the mental powers of man, to spread before the 
mind correct and liberal principles, and to promote social order and 
general happiness by extending its radiant light, its genial rays and 
its benign influence to the remotest bounds of the inhabited globe. In 
such a condition and in such hands it would become the solar foun- 
tain of intellectual improvement, the polar star of expanding science, 
and a shining light to the human family. Its refulgent beams would 
enrapture the ignorant, the oppressed, and the forlorn — its harmonious 
links would form a golden chain that would reach the confines of 
earth. It would be a messenger of peace, pointing and inviting the 
weary pilgrims of bondage in every clime to a reposing asylum of 
peaceful and quiescent rest. This is the kind of government intend- 
ed by the sages of the American revolution — this is the kind of govern- 
ment they desired to form and perpetuate. 

Among those who laid the foundation and commenced the super- 
structure of our admired and expanding republic was George Tay- 
lor, a native of Ireland, born in 1716. His father was a clergyman 
and bestowed upon him a good education. He then placed him with 
a physician, under whose direction he commenced the study of medi- 
cine. Not fancying the idea of becoming a son of iEsculapius he flew 
the course, and finding a vessel bound for Philadelphia and ready to 
sail, without consulting his friends and without money, he entered on 
board as a redemptioner. Soon after he arrived in this country his 
passage was paid by Mr. Savage, of Durham, Bucks county, Penn- 
sylvania, a few miles below Easton, for which he bound himself as a 
common labourer for a term of years. This gentleman was the owner 
of iron works where he lived, and assigned to his new servant the 
station of filler, his business being to throw coal into the furnace when 
in blast. He soon found this work to differ widely from that of hand- 
ling books and the pen. His hands became cruelly blistered, but be- 



GEORGE TAYLOR. 175 

ing resolute and ambitious to gain the approbation of all around him, 
he persevered without a complaint. The workmen, observing his con- 
dition, named the circumstance to Mr. Savage t whose humanity in- 
duced him to provide some less laborious employment for the young 
foreigner. On conversing with him he discovered his intelligence, 
education and talents, and immediately promoted him to clerk in the 
counting room of the establishment. He proved fully competent to 
his new situation, and gained the friendship and esteem of all around 
him. Nor did he neglect the improvement of his mind. He applied 
to practical use the theories he had acquired at school. His reflecting 
and reasoning powers became developed. He made himself familiar 
with the formula of the business, the customs and the government of 
his adopted country. He became esteemed for his correct deport- 
ment, and admired for his clearness of perception and soundness of 
judgment. To add to his importance in society, the wife of Mr. Sa- 
vage became a widow and was subsequently married by Mr. Taylor, 
by which he became sole proprietor of a large property and the hus- 
band of a worthy and influential woman. By persevering industry 
and good management he continued to add to the estate constantly, 
and in a few years purchased a tract of land on the bank of the Le- 
high, in Northampton county, upon which he built a splendid mansion 
and iron works, and made it his place of residence. He was not pros- 
pered in business at his new location, and at a subsequent period re- 
moved back to Durham. During his residence in Northampton coun- 
ty he became extensively and favourably known, and in 1764, was 
elected to the provincial assembly at Philadelphia, and took a promi- 
nent part in its deliberations. 

He had not been an idle spectator or careless observer of passing 
events or of subjects discussed. He had examined the principles upon 
which various governments were predicated, and became enraptured 
with the federal republican system. He had watched, with a freeman's 
eye, the increasing advances of British oppression. He was too pa- 
triotic and too bold to tamely submit to the yoke of bondage. So well 
was he then known as a discerning and discreet man, that he was 
placed upon the important committee of grievances. He also took a 
bold stand against the corruptions of the proprietary government, and 
advocated strongly an alteration of the charter, so that peculation 
should be diminished and abuses corrected. 

The ensuing year he was again elected to the assembly, and was 
one of the committee that prepared the instructions of the Pennsyl- 
vania delegation to the Congress that convened in New York in 1765, 
to adopt measures for the restoration and preservation of colonial 
rights. This document combined caution and respect with firmness 
of purpose and deliberation of action. It instructed the delegates to 
move within the orbit of constitutional and chartered privileges, and 
to respectfully but clearly admonish the king and his advisers not to 
transcend the limits of the same circle. 

The stamp act was repealed shortly after, and Mr. Taylor was one 
of the committee that prepared a congratulatory address to the king 
on the happy event. So ably did he discharge his public duties that 



j 76 GEORGE TAYLOR. 

his name was uniformly placed upon several of the standing commit- 
tees of the highest importance, assigning to him an onerous burden of 
legislative service. Upon the committee of grievances, assessment of 
taxes, the judiciary,' loans on bills of credit, navigation, to choose a 
printer of the public laws, and others of importance the name of 
George Taylor was generally found and often the first. For six suc- 
cessive years he was constantly a member of the assembly. In 1768, 
he was upon a committee appointed by that body to prepare an ad- 
dress to the governor censuring him for a remissness in duty, in not 
having brought to condign punishment certain offenders who had open- 
ly and barbarously murdered several Indians, thereby provoking reta- 
liation. It was respectful and manly, but keen and cutting as a da- 
mask blade. It was a lucid exposition of political policy, sound law, 
and public duty. 

In October, 1775, Mr. Taylor was again returned to the assembly 
and added fresh laurels to his legislative fame. In addition to others 
he was placed upon the committee of safety, then virtually the organ 
of government. An awful crisis had arrived, the dread clarion of war 
had been sounded, American blood was crying for vengeance, the re- 
volutionary storm had commenced, and the mountain waves of British 
wrath were rolling over the colonies. Firmness, sound discretion and 
bold measures were required. Mr. Taylor possessed the former and 
promoted the latter. He stood forth a faithful sentinel in the cause 
of freedom, not a blazing luminary, but as solid as the granite rock. 
He was in favour of prudence in all things, but was not affected by 
the temporizing mania that at first paralyzed the action of many who 
desired liberty but dreaded penalties. He continued to exercise a 
powerful and salutary influence in the assembly of Pennsylvania until 
the summer of 1776, when he became a member of the Continental 
Congress, and sanctioned with his signature to the declaration of rights, 
the principles of liberty he had boldly advocated. Although Mr. Tay- 
lor did not tempt the giddy height of refined rhetoric, he knew where 
and when to speak, what to say and how to vote — the highest qualifi- 
cations of a legislator. 

In the spring of 1777, he retired from Congress and from public 
life, covered with the honours of a devoted and ardent patriot, an in- 
dustrious and useful legislator, an enlightened and valuable citizen, 
a worthy and honest man. On the 23d of February, 1781, he closed 
his eyes upon terrestrial things, bid a final adieu to earth and its toys, 
and bowed submissively to the king of terrors. He died at Easton, 
to which place he had recently removed. From the character of Mr. 
Taylor the reader may learn, that without the luminous talents of a 
Jefferson, a Lee, or a Franklin, a man may be substantially useful 
and render valuable and highly important services to his country and 
to the world. 



177 



FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 

Virtue affords the only foundation for a peaceful and happy go- 
vernment. When the wicked rule, the nation mourns. Not that rulers 
must necessarily profess religion by being attached to some visible 
church — but they must venerate it, and be men of the highest moral 
and political honesty. Disease and corruption affect the body politic 
and produce dissolution with the same certainty that they prostrate 
the physical powers of man. If the head is disordered, the whole heart 
is sick. If the political fountain becomes polluted, its dark and murky 
water's will eventually impregnate every branch with their contagious 
miasma. The history of the past proves the truth of these assertions; 
the passing events of the present day afford too frequent demonstra- 
tion of the baneful effects of intrigue and peculation. Without vir- 
tue our union will become a mere rope of sand, the victim of knaves 
and the sport of kings. Self-government will become an enigma with 
monarchs, rational liberty a paradox, and a republic, the scoff" of 
tyrants. Let every freeman look to this matter in time. Let him 
look back to the sages who wisely conceived, nobly planned, and bold- 
ly laid the foundations of the freedom we now enjoy, but which can- 
not, will not be perpetuated unless we imitate their examples and obey 
their precepts. They were virtuous, many of them devotedly pious, 
and all of them politically honest. 

Among their number the name and character of Francis Light- 
foot Lee claims our present attention. He was the son of Thomas 
Lee, and born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 14th of Oc- 
tober, 1734. He was the brother of Richard Henry Lee, whose elo- 
quence rose higher but whose reflections were no deeper than those 
of Francis. In childhood he was admired for his docility and amiable 
deportment, in youth he was the pride of every circle in which he 
moved, and when manhood dawned upon him he exhibited a dignity 
of mind and maturity of judgment that his fellow citizens highly ap- 
preciated and delighted to honour. 

He was educated by the Rev. Mr. Craig, a Scotch clergyman, of 
high literary attainments and profound erudition. Under his tuition 
the germs of knowledge took deep root in the prolific mental soil of 
young Francis, and produced plants of a rapid and luxuriant growth. 
The Scotch literati are remarkable for deep investigation, thorough 
analyzation, and lucid demonstration. I have never met one who was 
a pedant, a vain pretender, or a superficial scholar. Under such an 
instructor the intellectual powers of Francis assumed a vigorous and 
solid tone that placed him upon the substantial basis of useful know> 
ledge and enduring fame. He became delighted with the solid sciences, 
23 



178 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 

and spent less time in the bowers of belles lettres than his Cicero- 
nean brother. The history of classic Greece and republican Rome 
enraptured his mind with the love of liberty and liberal principles. 
He read closely, thought deeply, and investigated fully. He prose- 
cuted his studies with untiring industry and became an excellent 
scholar, without the advantages of European seminaries, to which most 
of the young sons of wealthy men were then sent to complete their 
education. Imitating the examples of his elder brothers, whose man- 
ners had received the highest polish of English gentilesse and French 
etiquette he became an accomplished gentleman. Raised in the midst 
of affluence, actuated by moral rectitude, free from a desire to par- 
ticipate in the follies of the world, living in the enjoyment of the re- 
fined pleasures that promote felicity without enervating the body or 
vitiating the heart, and a favourite among all his numerous acquain- 
tances, his earthly happiness was of the purest kind. With a mind 
richly stored with scientific theory, with ethics and correct religious 
principles, he entered the school of experience and became emphati- 
cally a practical man. Possessed of an ample fortune he could devote 
his time to such objects as he deemed most useful. Having early 
imbibed the love of rational liberty, and having fully canvassed the 
conduct of the British ministry towards the American colonies, Mr. 
Lee resolved to oppose the encroachments of the king upon rights 
and privileges clearly guarantied by the constitution of the mother 
country. He could not consent that the trappings of the crown, the 
pomp of the court, the extravagance of the ministry, and the expenses 
of the parliament of Great Britain should be borne by the yeomanry 
of America, eloigned as they were from the protection and good feel- 
ing of that power — deprived as they were from being properly repre- 
sented in legislation — subject as they were to the caprice of every new 
cabinet created by the king — threatened as they were to be dragged 
from their native soil to be tried by a foreign jury — oppressed as they 
were bv the insolence of hireling officers — and driven as they were 
from under the mantle of constitutional rights. 

In 1765, he was elected a member of the house of burgesses to re- 
present Loudoun county, where his estate was situated. He became 
an important advocate of equal rights and took a bold stand in favour 
of natural and chartered privileges. Blessed with a strong and inves- 
tigating mind, a deep and penetrating judgment, a clear and acute 
perception, a pure and patriotic heart and a bold and fearless dispo- 
sition, he became one of the most efficient advisers in the house. He 
continued to represent Loudoun until 1772, when he married the 
highly accomplished and amiable Rebecca, daughter of Colonel Tay- 
loe, of the county of Richmond, where Mr. Lee then permanently 
located, The same year he was elected to the house of burgesses 
from his new district, and continued to render valuable services and 
exercise a salutary influence in that body until he was appoined a de- 
legate to the Continental Congress. Amidst the gathering storm of 
the revolution and the trying scenes that accumulated thick and fast 
around him, he stood undaunted, unmoved, and undismayed. He ad- 
vocated every measure calculated to promote the independence of his 



FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. J79 

country, and was prolific in plans for the accomplishment of the de- 
sired object. As a member of committees he had no superior. An 
extensive reader, he had made himself acquainted with the principles 
of every form of government, and understood well the minutiae of 
magna charta and the British constitution. He was prepared to act 
advisedly and safely, and determined to resist, even unto blood, all 
the illegal advances of a base, designing and avaricious ministry. He 
made no pretensions to oratory, seldom spoke in public, but when so 
highly excited as to rise, he poured upon his opponents a flood of keen 
and withering logic that often made them quail beneath its force. 

On the 15th of August, 1775, Mr. Lee was elected a member of 
the Continental Congress. A more expansive field was then opened 
before him. To do or die, to live in chains or peril every thing for 
liberty had become the dilemma. Columbia's soil had been stained 
with the blood and serum of Americans, shed by the very men who 
had been cherished by their bounty and fed by the labour of their 
hands. The dim flickerings of the hope of redress and conciliation 
were fast expiring in the socket of forbearance. The great seal of 
the social compact had been broken by the British ministry, the last 
petitions, remonstrances and addresses to the king were to be pre- 
pared, and the final course to be pursued by the colonies, determined. 
Inglorious peace or honourable war were the two propositions. In 
favour of the last Mr. Lee put forth the strong energies of his mind. 
Eternal separation from England and independence for America could 
only satisfy and meet his views. Being appointed upon many im- 
portant committees, his exertions to obtain this desideratum were un- 
remitting, and his influence was strongly felt. So highly were his 
talents appreciated that he was often chairman of the committee of 
the whole. So convinced were his constituents of his ability to pro- 
mote the best interests of the glorious cause of freedom, that they con- 
tinued him in Congress until his retirement from the public arena in 
1779 to scenes more congenial to his mind, but less beneficial to the 
deliberations of the august body he had so much benefitted. 

When the proposition of final separation was submitted to Con- 
gress by his brother, his soul was animated to the zenith of patriotic 
feeling, and when the declaration of rights was adopted, his mind was 
in an ecstacy of delight. His influence, his vote and his signature, 
told how strong and pure were his desires in its favour. On that sa- 
cred instrument, the chart of freemen and an eye-sore to kings, the 
name of Francis LightfootLee stands recorded — a lasting monument 
of his civic fame. 

He rendered essential aid in framing the articles of confederation 
that carried the colonies through the revolution. This was a work 
of great labour, and underwent, besides the time bestowed upon it by 
the committee, thirty-nine distinct discussions in the house. He con- 
tended ardently that the rights of contiguous fisheries and the free 
navigation of the Mississippi river should be incorporated in the 
claims of the United States upon Great Britain in all propositions of 
peace. The wisdom and sagacity of h'13 position is now fully demon- 



jgQ FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 

strated although it then met with opposition by some, and was consi- 
dered as a matter of secondary importance by others. 

A late writer has charged the "Lees of Virginia" with hostility 
towards Washington, which, unqualified as it stands, includes Fran- 
cis with the rest. This hostile feeling, he asserts, arose from the sen- 
tence of the court martial in 1778, that suspended General Charles 
Lee from holding any commission in the American army for one year. 
Had the writer consulted the records of Congress he might have avoid- 
ed this error. Francis Lightfoot Lee was the only one of the name 
in Congress at that time. The sentence was acted upon and sanc- 
tion by that body, and Mr. Lee voted in its favour. He was ever a 
warm friend of the illustrious Washington, and I have yet to learn 
that his brothers were not also. General Lee was a native of North 
Wales, and, excepting a short time during his youth, was not in Ame- 
rica until 1773, and could not have had the same claims of friendship 
upon the "Lees of Virginia" as the father of our country. He was 
an accomplished and brave officer, having served in Portugal under 
Burgoyne, and in the army of Poland, and other places, from the time 
he was eleven years old until his unfortunate dereliction from orders 
at the battle of Monmouth. He died in Philadelphia in 1782. Ano- 
ther evidence that Mr. Lee held the hero of the revolution in venera- 
tion is of a later date. After the adoption of the federal constitution 
he was asked his opinion upon it. He answered, with an air of seri- 
ousness, "I am old and do not pretend to judge these things now, but 
one thing satisfies me it is all right — General Washington is in favour 
of it and John Warden is opposed to it." Mr. Warden was opposed 
to American independence. 

After he retired from Congress he enjoyed the domestic circle but 
for a short season. He was elected to the legislature of his native 
dominion contrary to his wishes, but promptly repaired to the post of 
public duty. After aiding in the removal of the most perplexing diffi- 
culties that embarrassed the government of the state, he again retired 
to the peaceful shades of private life, where he remained until April, 
1797, when, calm and resigned, he obeyed the summons of the mes- 
senger of death, bid an affectionate farewell to his friends and the 
world, and took his departure "to that country from whose bourne 
no traveller returns," triumphing in faith, rejoicing in death, with 
the full assurance of a crown of glory in a brighter and better world. 
In public life Mr. Lee was eminently useful; his private worth and 
excellence shone with equal brilliancy. Always cheerful, amusing 
and instructive, he was the delight of every circle in which he 
moved. Wealthy, liberal and benevolent, he was the orphan's father, 
the widow's solace and the poor man's friend. Kind, affectionate and 
intelligent, he was a good husband, a faithful companion, and a safe 
counsellor. Polished, urbane and gentlemanly, his examples were 
calculated to refine the manners of those around him. Moral, dis- 
creet and pious, his precepts had a salutary influence upon the minds 
of all who heard them and were not callous to good advice. He died 
of pleurisy, resulting from a heavy cold, and, within a few days of each 
other, himself and wife were both laid beneath the clods of the valley. 



THOMAS STONE. Jgl 

They had no children to mourn their loss, but their graves were moist- 
ened by the tears of numerous relatives and friends. Let the shining 
examples of this good man be reflected forcibly upon our minds, that 
our country may be benefitted by us in time, and that our final exit 
from earth may be peaceful and happy. 



THOMAS STONE. 

A man who has a just sense of the responsibilities of a high public 
office, will seldom seek one, unless impelled by impending dangers 
that threaten to injure or destroy the best interests of his country. 
The more clearly a modest unassuming man perceives the magnitude 
of a public trust, the more he distrusts his own capacity to discharge 
its duties, yet such a man is the very one to be safely trusted. It was 
with great diffidence that Washington undertook the command of the 
American armies, yet no one can be pointed out who possessed as 
fully all the requisites to meet "the times that tried men's souls." 
John Hancock quailed under his appointment as president of the Con- 
tinental Congress, yet no one could have manifested more firmness 
in the cause of liberty, or have presided with more dignity. 

It is only in times of danger that men of the greatest worth become 
most conspicuous. They are then sought out by the virtuous part of 
the community, and sometimes become prominent by throwing them- 
selves in the breach of danger. In times of peace and prosperity, the 
same men may be called to the councils of a nation without exciting 
astonishment or unusual applause, and the names of noisy political 
partisans may become more extensively known and be wider spread 
upon the wings of venal party newspapers than theirs. It is in such 
times that men of the greatest merit shrink from the public gaze, 
and it is in such times that the canker worm of political intrigue car- 
ries on the work of destruction in the body politic. It is in times of 
peril that men of deep thought, cool deliberation and sterling honesty, 
become most prominent and receive the full reward of merit. This 
fact was fully demonstrated during the American revolution. Many 
were then called to deliberate in the solemn assemblies of that event- 
ful era who had not been previously known as public men, and who 
retired as soon as the mighty work of independence was completed. 
They were selected in consequence of their strict integrity and sound 
discretion. 

Of this class was Thomas Stoxe, a descendant of William Stone, 
who was governor of Maryland during the reign of Cromwell. He 
was born at Pointon Manor, Charles county, Maryland, in 1743. He 
was well educated under the liberal and classical instruction of a 
Scotch clergyman, and studied the profession of law with Thomas 



jg2 THOMAS STONE. 

Johnson of Annapolis. He commenced a successful practice at that 
place, and was held in high estimation by the community in which he 
lived. Modest, retiring and unassuming in his manners, an indus- 
trious man of business, a close student, a safe and judicious coun- 
sellor, he was beloved and admired for his substantial worth and 
sterling merit. He possessed a clear head, a sound judgment, and a 
good heart. His mind was vigorous, analyzing, investigating, and 
patriotic. He was a friend to equal rights, and delighted in seeing 
every person happy. He detested oppression in all its varied shades. 
He was kind, noble and benevolent. With feelings like these he 
was not a careless observer of the infringements of the Grenville 
administration upon the constitutional and chartered rights of his fel- 
low citizens. When the stamp act was promulged, he was a youth 
in politics, but the discussions upon its odiousness deeply interested 
him. He was an attentive listener and a thorough investigator. His 
opposition to it became firm: a holy indignation pervaded his bosom 
and prepared him for future action.' Still he avoided the public gaze. 
With his friends in the private circle he conversed freely, lucidly 
and understanding^ upon the subject of American rights and British 
wrongs, but could not be induced to mount the rostrum of the forum 
and display his forensic powers until a short time before he was called 
by his country to deliberate in her national council. 

When the Boston port bill was proclaimed, Mr. Stone surmounted 
the barriers of diffidence and rushed promptly to the rescue. His 
example had a salutary influence upon those around him. All knew 
that something must be radically wrong, that some portentous danger 
hung over the colonies when Thomas Stone was roused to public 
action. The influence of such men as him, in times of peril, is of the 
highest value. The man who is always or often a declaimer in popu- 
lar meetings, must possess Demosthenean or Ciceronian powers to 
command attention for a long time. The cool, the reflecting, the cal- 
culating, the timid and the wavering, are operated upon as by magic, 
where they see such a man as was Mr. Stone go boldly forward and 
advocate, what to them seems a cause of doubtful expediency. 

On the 8th of December, 1774, he was elected a member of the 
Continental Congress, and took his seat in that body on the 15th of 
the ensuing May. The meeting of that convention of sages had been 
deeply solemn and imposing the preceding year, but at that time an 
increased responsibility rested upon the members. The cry of blood 
from the heights of Lexington was ringing in their ears; the fury of 
the revolutionary storm was increasing; the clash of arms and mortal 
combat had already commenced; the vials of British wrath were un- 
sealed, and the fabric of civil government was falling before a foreign 
military force. To meet such a crisis, it required the wisdom of 
Solomon, the patriotism of Cincinnatus, the acuteness of Locke, the 
eloquence of Cicero, the caution of Tacitus, the learning of Atticus 
and the energy of Virginius. All these qualities were combined in 
the Continental Congress to a degree before unknown. Mr. Stone 
commenced his duties with vigour and prosecuted them with zeal. 



THOMAS STONE. JQ3 

He was at first trammelled by the instructions of the provincial assem- 
bly of Maryland, that body being extremely anxious that peace should 
be restored without recourse to arms. But the increasing oppressions 
of the crown eventually removed this injunction and enabled him and 
his colleagues to join cheerfully in all measures calculated to promote 
the cause of independence. He was continued in Congress until 1777, 
when he declined a re-election. He had been a faithful labourer in 
the committee rooms, and an influential member in the house. He 
had bestowed much thought and time upon the articles of confedera- 
tion, and felt bound to remain in the public service until they were 
fully formed and adopted. That important work completed, he re- 
tired from the halls of Congress, carrying with him the esteem and 
respect of that body, the approbation of a good conscience, and the 
unlimited gratitude of his constituents. 

In 1778, he was elected a delegate of the Maryland legislature, 
where he became an important and influential member. During that 
session, the articles of confederation that he had aided in framing the 
preceding term in Congress, were submitted for consideration. They 
met with violent opposition at first, and were the subject of warm dis- 
cussion. Having been present at their formation, Mr. Stone was pre- 
pared to answer the objections raised against them by lucid, clear, 
logical and convincing arguments. He contributed largely in gaining 
for them a majority of votes in the legislature of his state. 

In 1783, he again took his seat in Congress and became a highly 
esteemed member. Devoted to the best interests of his country, free 
from political ambition, honest, frank, republican and sincere in his 
principles, he was safely entrusted with the responsibilities of every 
station he was called to fill. He was present when Washington re- 
signed his commission and retired from the field of civic glory to the 
peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, amidst the loud plaudits of admir- 
ing millions, and the mingled tears of joy and gratitude that stood, 
like pearly dew drops, on the cheeks of his countrymen and compa- 
triots in arms. 

The ensuing year closed the labours of Mr. Stone in Congress, and 
completed his public career. During the last session in which he 
served, he presided, previous to its close, as president pro tempore, 
and, had he consented to a re-election, would, as a matter of course, 
been chosen the next president of the national legislature. As a fur- 
ther mark of public esteem, he was elected a delegate to the conven- 
tion of 1787 that framed the federal constitution, but having com- 
menced a lucrative practice of law at Port Tobacco he declined the 
honour of serving. On the 5th of October of the same year, he was 
prematurely and suddenly called to the bar of God to render an ac- 
count of his stewardship, and closed his eyes in death, deeply lamented 
by numerous friends, a grateful country, and millions of freemen. He 
was cut off in the prime of life, in the midst of usefulness, whilst the 
prospects of future honours were opening brightly before him. But 
he had already earned a rich and honourable fame, imperishable as the 
pages of history, lasting as human intelligence. From the time he was 
first known as a public man to the present, neither the tongue of slan- 



I §4 LEWIS MORRIS. 

der nor the breath of detraction have attempted to cast a stain upon 
his reputation as a patriot, a statesman, a lawyer, or a private citizen. 
He was a rare specimen of discretion, propriety and usefulness — a 
true specimen of the very salt of the body politic, rendering efficient 
services to his country without pomp or show, and without the tower- 
ing talents of a Cicero or a Demosthenes. Such men are always 
valuable, and may be relied upon in the hour of danger as safe senti- 
nels to guard the best interests of our nation. 



LEWIS MORRIS. 

A military depotism is a national curse. Laws that require the 
bayonet to enfore them upon a civilized and enlightened people, are 
of doubtful efficacy. Moments of excitement may occur in the best 
organized communities, arising from some sudden local impulse, that 
require a show of military power and even its force; but when a 
little time is afforded for reflection, reason resumes her sway, the 
spirit of mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes the peaceful 
citizen and rests for security upon the arm of civil power. Quarter- 
ing the military among the citizens of a community, is calculated to 
produce numerous and serious evils. Let that military, after having 
enjoyed the bounty and hospitality of the citizens, be directed to force 
the execution of laws upon these citizens, oppressive in their nature 
and ruinous in their eft'ects, and an indignation is roused that is in- 
creased tenfold from the circumstance of previous familiarity. Inti- 
mate friends often become the most bitter enemies. Favours forgot- 
ten and ingratitude displayed, add to the desperation of revenge. 

Thus, previous to the American revolution, the military were often 
quartered upon, or drew their support directly from the people. The 
colonies had also contributed largely in money and blood to aid the 
mother country in conquering her most inveterate foe in America — 
the French in Canada. No return was asked but the enjoyment of 
privileges granted and secured by the British constitution. This was 
eventually denied. Petitions were treated with contumely — remon- 
strances were laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of sages 
rose to vindicate the rights of their country, whose achievements have 
no parallel in ancient or modern history. 

Among the boldest of the bold was Lewis Morris, who was born 
at Morrisania, in the vicinity of the city of New York, in 1726. The 
family documents of this Morris family trace their genealogy back 
to Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian 
chieftain, who carried his military operations and conquests into Ire- 
land during the reign of Henry the second. By his valour and suc- 
cess he obtained the name Maur (great) Rhice, and the penultimate 



LEWIS MORRIS. 1Q5 

Fitzgerald was dropped, and we now find the name as we have it 
above. In tracing genealogy, we often find names as greatly changed 
as this. From this original down to the present time, the various 
branches of the family have been highly respectable, and have honour- 
ably filled many important stations. 

Lewis was the son of Judge Morris, of the same christian name, 
who appears to have retained possession of the paternal estate for- 
merly purchased by his grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a 
leader under Cromwell, and immigrated from Barbadoes about 1665, 
and purchased a large tract of land near Haarlem, on York Island. 
He died in 1773. He left an only son, Lewis, who was chief justice 
of New York, and subsequently governor of New Jersey. 

After passing through his preparatory studies, Lewis entered Yale 
College at the age of sixteen. He became a good scholar and imbib- 
ed from the president, Dr. Clap, a permanent relish for moral and 
religious principles. In 1746, he took the degree of bachelor of arts, 
returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in agriculture. 
At that period the colonies were prosperous, free and happy. The 
mother country had not yet contemplated the imposition of burdens 
upon her distant children, and they were left to pursue their own 
course without annoyance or molestation. Then they enjoyed the 
fruits of their labours and reposed in peace. 

In this happy retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his 
farm and his mind, and by his suavity and urbanity of manners, united 
with moral rectitude and an honourable course, gained the confidence 
and esteem of all who knew him. He became the nucleus of a circle 
of friends of the highest attainments and respectability and was em- 
phatically the people's favourite. His appearance was in every way 
commanding. A noble and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, 
an amiable and agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent tempera- 
ment, a benevolent and generous heart, an independent and patriotic 
soul, crowned with virtue, intelligence and refinement, he was in all 
respects to be admired and beloved. 

The time approached rapidly when colonial repose was to be pluck- 
ed by the roots and wither beneath the scorching rays of British op- 
pression. The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance 
and war, and her national debt had swollen to an enormous amount. 
The story of prosperity and wealth in America was told to Mr. Gren- 
ville. The plan of imperious taxation was devised. The stamp act 
was passed. The sons of the pilgrim fathers were astonished and 
amazed. They loved their king, but loved their country more. Legal 
remedies were resorted to. A Congress was convened at New York. 
Able addresses to the throne and the people of Great Britain follow- 
ed, breathing the purest allegiance conditioned on the restoration of 
constitutional rights. The stamp act was repealed, but only to give 
place to a more voracious and obnoxious family. In all these con- 
cerns of his country, Mr. Morris took a deep interest, and from the 
beginning, opposed even the approach of oppression, not at first as 
a leader but as an adviser. Although Massachusetts took the lead 
in opposition, New York made a strong show of resistance. In 1767, 
24 



lg£ LEWIS MORRIS. 

an act was passed by parliament compelling the people of that pro- 
vince to furnish the British soldiers that were quartered among them 
with provisions. By this order the burden fell upon certain portions 
of the inhabitants exclusively and not pro rata upon the whole. It 
was a direct invasion of personal rights and was most severely felt by 
the citizens of the city of New York and its vicinity. This measure 
brought Mr. Morris out. He publicly proclaimed it unconstitutional 
and tyrannical, and contributed largely towards influencing the legis- 
lature to place a veto upon it. Superior might eventually overpower- 
ed this opposition and enforced the contribution from the citizens. 
But spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to be subdued. An 
unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather strength beneath the 
volcanic surface that then "covered it. It was kept alive by fresh fuel 
added by Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor Mr. North. 
The statute of Henry the eighth was revived, which doomed male- 
contents to be sent to England for trial; the Boston port bill, its 
handmaid, was passed and the cords of slavery were drawn more 
tightly. The last petitions and remonstrances in the magazine of 
patience were finally exhausted, and then it was that it was replenish- 
ed with more potent materials. Mr. Morris had now become a 
prominent man, a bold and substantial whig, rather too ardent to send 
to the conciliatory Congress of 1774. But the time soon arrived 
when the people required just such a man, and in April, 1775, 
he was elected to the Continental Congress. Even then the majority 
attributed their sufferings to the ministers and not to the king, and 
still hoped he would cease to be an automaton and prove himself a 
man worthy of the high station he occupied. But hopes were vain, 
the juices of the olive branch became absorbed by the sponge of venal 
power, and the virtues of the sword were next to be tried. Already 
had the purple current stained the streets of Boston and the heights 
of Lexington — already had the groans of dying Americans, slain by the 
hands of those whom they had fed, pierced the ears of thousands — 
already were widows and orphans weeping for husbands weltering in 
blood and fathers covered with gore. Vigorous measures of defence fol- 
lowed — legions of foreign troops flooded the land — a dark and gloomy 
hour had arrived. Soon after his appearance in Congress, Mr. Morris 
was placed upon a committee of which the illustrious Washington was 
chairman, appointed to devise measures to obtain a supply of the mu- 
nitions of war. This was a desideratum not readily acquired. Com- 
paratively a sling and a few smooth stones were all the patriots had 
with which to commence the combat with the British Goliah. But 
with all these disadvantages, the battle of Bunker Hill convinced 
the veterans of Europe that men determined on liberty or death 
were not to be tamely subdued. 

Mr. Morris became an active and efficient member of the national 
legislature, and advocated strong measures. Although his enthusiastic 
patriotism bordered on what was then considered i*ashness, in some 
instances, the very path marked out by him in 1775 was the one eventu- 
ally followed. He became early convinced that an honourable peace 
could not be obtained under Great Britain, and was satisfied that 



LEWIS MORRIS. 187 

nothing but a triumph over her would restore the equilibrium of justice 
and chartered rights. During the interim between that and the ensuing 
session, Mr. Morris was one of a committee appointed to visit the fron- 
tier Indian tribes, to deter them, if possible, from enlisting under the 
blood-stained banner of the mother country. He also visited the 
assemblies of the New England states, in order to perfect plans to 
raise supplies and prepare for a vigorous defence. In 1776 he again 
took his seat in Congress, and was animated to find a spirit more 
congenial with his views — a determination to sever the gordian knot 
and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that had held power 
only to abuse it. He was placed on many and important committees, 
and was active in and out of the house. In his native neighbourhood 
Mr. Morris had no easy task to perform in rousing the people to an 
efficient opposition. Governor Tryon, who was as wise and poison- 
ous too as a serpent, affected to be as harmless as a dove, and exerted 
a powerful influence over the. people of the city of New York in favour 
of the crown. The commercial interests would be prostrated by a 
war, the inequality of the two powers rendered the success of the 
whigs problematical, and self interest, which was construed into self 
preservation, operated for a long time against the cause of liberty in 
that section. It required great exertions to surmount these obstacles. 
Mr. Morris and his friends put forth their noblest energies in the 
mighty work, and what they could not effect, British oppression and 
the powder and ball of General Howe soon accomplished. The able 
addresses that he aided in preparing and circulating among the people 
do great credit to his head and heart as a patriot, a statesman and a 
scholar. They are chaste, forcible and luminous. When the decla- 
ration of independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one of its 
ardent supporters. At that very time his vast estate was within the 
power of the enemy, and he well knew that if he signed the instru- 
ment proposed, should it be adopted, it was giving to them a deed of 
sale, alias of destruction, of all his property that was to them tangi- 
ble. Most rigidly did they use the delegated authority. Even his 
extensive woodlands, of a thousand acres, were subjected to axe and 
fire, his family driven from their home, and every species of destruc- 
tion resorted to that malice could invent, ingenuity design and re- 
venge execute. But liberty was dearer to this determined patriot 
than earth and all its riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly 
affixed his name to the great certificate of our national birth, and re- 
joiced in freedom illumined by the conflagration of Morrisania. His 
family and himself suffered many privations during the remainder of 
the war, but suffered patiently, without regret for the past and with 
brighter hopes for the future. 

In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and repaired to his native 
state, in the legislature of which he rendered important services. He 
also served in the tented field and rose to the rank of major-general 
of militia. He was an excellent disciplinarian and contributed essen- 
tially in the organization of the state troops. In every situation he 
ably and zealously discharged all his duties, and never left the post of 
service until the American arms triumphed in victory, and the inde- 



188 J0HN HART. 

pendence of his country was firmly established and acknowledged by 
the mother country. Then he retired to his desolated plantation, con- 
verted his sword into a pruning hook, his musket into a ploughshare, 
and his farm into a delightful retreat, where his friends from the city 
often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society, talk of times gone by, 
and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought liberty. Peacefully 
and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January 1798, 
when his immortal spirit left its frail bark of clay and launched upon 
the ocean of eternity in a brighter and more substantial vessel. He 
died serene and happy, surrounded by an affectionate family and kind 
friends. His remains were deposited in the family vault upon his 
farm, under the honours of epic fame and civic glory. 

The examples of Mr. Morris illustrate the patriotism that impelled 
to action during the revolution in a more than ordinary degree. He 
had every thing that could be destroyed to lose, if the colonies suc- 
ceeded in the doubtful struggle; and if they did not, the scaffold, or 
death in some shape, was his certain doom. He was, previous to the 
revolution, a favourite with the English; and, what was more, his bro- 
ther Staats was a member of the British parliament and a general 
officer under the crown. But few made so great a personal sacrifice, 
and no one made it more cheerfully. Like Marion, he preferred a 
morsel of bread, or even a meal of roasted potatoes, with liberty and 
freedom, to all the trappings and luxuries of a king without them. So 
long as this kind of disinterested patriotism finds a resting place in 
the. bosoms of Columbia's sons, our union is safe — let this be banished 
and the fair temple of our liberty will perish in flames kindled by its 
professed guardians and sentinels. 



JOHN HART. 

Agriculture, of all occupations, is the one best calculated to rivet 
upon the heart a love of country. No profession is more honourable, 
but few are as conducive to health, and, above all others, it insures 
peace, tranquillity and happiness. A calling more independent in 
its nature, it is calculated to produce an innate love of liberty. The 
farmer stands upon a lofty eminence and looks upon the bustle of 
mechanism, the din of commerce, and the multiform perplexities of 
the literati, with feelings of personal freedom unknown to them. He 
acknowledges the skill and indispensable necessity of the first, the 
enterprise and usefulness of the second, and the unbounded benefits 
flowing from the last; then turns his thoughts to the pristine quiet of 
his agrarian domain and covets not the fame that accumulates around 
the other professions. His opportunities for intellectual improvement 
are superior to the two former, and, in many respects, not inferior to 
the latter. Constantly surrounded by the varied beauties of nature 



JOHN HART. 189 

and the never-ceasing and harmonious operations of her laws, his mind 
is led to contemplate the wisdom of the Great Architect of worlds and 
the natural philosophy of the universe. Aloof from the commoving 
arena of public life, and yet, through the medium of that magic en- 
gine, the press, made acquainted with the scenes that are passing 
there, he is able to form cool and deliberate conclusions upon the 
various topics that concern his country's good and his country's glory. 
In his retired domicile he is less exposed to the baneful influence of 
that corrupt and corrupting party spirit which is raised by the whirl- 
wind of selfish ambition and wafted on the tornado of faction. Be- 
fore he is roused to a participation in violent public action, he bears 
much, reflects deeply and l-esolves nobly. But when the oppressions 
of rulers become so intolerable as to induce the yeomanry of a coun- 
try to leave their ploughs and peaceful firesides, and draw the aveng- 
ing sword, let them beware — the day of retribution is at hand. Thus 
it was at the commencement of the American revolution — when the 
implements of husbandry were exchanged for those of war and the 
farmers joined in the glorious cause of liberty — the fate of England's 
power over the colonies was sealed for ever. The commingling pha- 
lanx of all professions was irresistible as an avalanche in the full 
plenipotence of force. 

Among the patriots of that eventful era who left their ploughs in 
the furrow and rushed to the rescue, was John Hart, a native of 
Hopewell, Hunterdon county, New Jersey, born about the year 1715. 
The precise time of his birth is not a matter of record, but his acts in 
the Continental Congress are. He was the son of Edward Hart, a 
brave and efficient officer, who aided the mother country in the con- 
quest of Canada, and participated in the epic laurels that were gained 
by Wolfe on the heights of Abraham. He raised a volunteer corps, 
named it the "Jersey Blues," an appellation still the pride of Jersey- 
men. He fought valiantly, and was recompensed by the praise, but 
not the gold of the mother country. John Hart was an extensive 
farmer, a man of a strong mind, improved by reading and reflection, 
and ambitious only to excel in his profession. In Deborah Scudder 
he found an amiable and faithful wife, and in the affections and good 
conduct of a liberal number of sons and daughters he found an enjoy- 
ment which some bachelors may affect to despise, but for which they 
often sigh in vain. Eden's fair bowers were pleasureless until Hea- 
ven's first best gift to man was there. 

Known as a man of sound judgment, clear perception, liberal views 
and pure motives, Mr. Hart was called to aid in public affairs long be- 
fore the revolution. For twenty years he had served in various stations, 
and was often a member of the legislature of his native colony. He 
took a deep interest in the local improvements, always necessary in a 
new country, and also in the legislative enactments of that period. 
He was a warm supporter of education and aided in the establish- 
ment of seminaries of learning. He was a friend to social order and 
law, and contributed largely in producing an equilibrium of the scales 
of justice. In organizing the municipal government of his own coun- 
ty he rendered essential service. Still his familv and his farm were 



190 J0HN HART. 

his chief delight — save his orisons to Heaven. He viewed all public 
business as a duty to be performed when required, not as a political 
hobby-horse to ride upon. The public men of that day spoke but lit- 
tle, and then to the point, and despatched their business promptly. 
Sinecures were scarce, and office hunters few and far between. In- 
dustry, frugality and economy, in public and private matters, were 
the marked characteristics of the pilgrim fathers. Golden days! when 
will ye return in the majesty of your simplicity, and banish from our 
land the enervating follies, the poisonous weeds and the impugning 
evils that augur its destruction. 

Observing and discerning, Mr. Hart was quick to discover the en- 
croachments of the British ministry upon the constitutional rights and 
chartered privileges of the colonies, and was prompt in resisting them. 
The stamp act, passed on the 22nd of March, 1765, was followed by a 
commotion that showed by what a precarious tenure the king held his 
power in America. When the Congress convened at New York, on 
the first of October following, represented by nine of the colonies, Mr. 
Hart was a member of the convention that made the selection of dele- 
gates from New Jersey. The firm and discreet proceedings of that 
body produced a repeal of the act complained of on the 18th of the 
following March. Still the political alchymist, Mr. Grenville, was 
madly bent on trying fresh experiments. The colonists had borne 
the yoke of restrictions upon their trade and industry, which had been 
artfully and gradually increasing for more than fifty years, to the ad- 
vantage of the mother country, and he concluded their necks had be- 
come sufficiently hardened by long use to bear a more ponderous bur- 
den. Poor fellow! he was as much mistaken in the metal he placed 
in his crucible as the colonists were amazed and indignant at his 
unwarranted pretensions. Direct taxation, without representation, 
was taking an issue not warranted by the praecipe or narr, and 
a general demurrer was promptly entered. An emparlance en- 
sued, replications and rejoinders followed, and the suit was finally 
decided by wager of battle. Long and doubtful was the struggle — 
obstinate and bloody was the conflict. The second edition of the re- 
venue plan, revised and stereotyped in 1767 by Charles Townshend, 
chancellor of the exchequer, imposing duties on glass, paper, paste- 
board, tea and painters' colours, kindled a flame of indignation in the 
colonies that no power could quench. Public meetings against the 
measure, resolutions of the deepest censure, remonstrances of the 
strongest character, and arguments of the most conclusive logic, were 
hurled in its face; and to carry conviction to the minds of the minis- 
try that the people were, in earnest, Boston harbour was converted into 
a tea-pot and all the tea used at one drawing. Non-importation agree- 
ments, committees of safety, preparations of defence, non-intercourse, 
bloodshed, war and independence followed. In all these movements 
Mr. Hart concurred, and deliberately, but firmly, opposed the en- 
croachments of the crown. 

In 1774 he was elected to the Congress at Philadelphia, and, with 
the frost of sixty winters upon his head, entered upon duties of higher 
importance than had before devolved upon him. Mild, deliberate, 



BUTTON GWINNETT. jqj 

cautious, discreet, but firm in his purposes, he became an important 
member to aid in carrying out the measures then contemplated — those 
of reconciliation and a restoration of amity. He was highly esteemed 
as a patriarch sage in the cause. The ensuing year he was again elect- 
ed, and repaired to the post of duty, of honour and of fame, on the 10th 
of May. The cry of blood, shed on the 19th of the preceding April, 
had infused a spirit in Congress widely different from that which per- 
vaded it a few months before. It was then that the Roman virtues 
of such men as Mr. Hart shone with peculiar splendour. The im- 
petuosity of youth had passed away, their minds traced the deepest, 
darkest avenues of every proposition, arguments were weighed in the 
balance of reason, the causes, the effects, the objects, the ends, the 
plans, the means, were all placed in the scale of justice and exhibited 
to the inspection of those whose disposition led them to an examina- 
tion. In this manner every act was performed with clean hands, the 
cause of liberty honoured, prospered and crowned with triumphant 
success. At this time Mr. Hart was also a member and vice-presi- 
dent of the assembly of his native colony, and shortly after, had the 
proud satisfaction of aiding in its funeral obsequies and in establishing 
a republican form of government. On the 14th of February, 1776, he 
was again elected to the Continental Congress, and when the chart of 
liberty was presented to his view, after carefully examining its bold 
physiognomy, he pronounced its points, its features, its landmarks, 
its delineations and its entire combination, worthy of freemen — gave 
it his vote, his signature and his benediction, and soon after retired 
from the public gaze and declined a re-election. As he anticipated, 
the British soldiers devastated his farm, drove away his family, de- 
stroyed his property, and compelled him, several times, to fly preci- 
pitately to save his neck from the halter. Under circumstances like 
these, no one will doubt the disinterested patriotism of the quiet 
farmer, John Hart. Not a stain rests upon his public or private cha- 
racter. In all the relations of life he performed his duty nobly. He 
was an honest man and devoted christian, a member of the baptist de- 
nomination, and died in 1780, from an illness brought on by exposure 
in flying from place to place to elude the pursuit of the British. 



BUTTON GWINNETT. 

Inconsistency is an incubus that assumes a thousand varied forms, 
and in some shape hangs over every nation and most individuals. It 
is human nature to err, but some errors there are, that, in the view of 
reason and common sense, are so legibly stamped with inconsistency 
as to enable every man of a sane mind to avoid them. Yet we often 
see men of high attainments rush into the whirlpool of inconsistency 
with a blind infatuation that seeks in vain for a justification, even by 



192 BUTTON GWINNETT. 

the rules of the most acute sophistry. Among the most fallacious and 
opprobrious inconsistencies that now hang over our nation is that of 
duelling. We boast of our intellectual light and intelligence, and 
mourn over the ignorance of the poor untutored Indian. In his turn 
he may point us to a dark spot upon our national character that never 
tarnished the name of an eastern or a western savage. This Bohon 
Upas of inconsistency thrives only in society that claims to be civi- 
lized. In no country has it been as much and as long tolerated with- 
out condign punishment as in our own. It is murder of the most de- 
liberate kind, and a violation of the laws of God and man. Has any 
one of these numerous and blood-thirsty murderers, who walk boldly 
among us, ever been punished to the extent of the offended laws of 
our country? Not one. Widows may mourn, orphans languish, hearts 
bleed, and our statesmen perish, and the aggressor may still run at 
large, treated by some with more deference than if the escutcheon of 
his name was not stained with blood. This foul stigma upon the 
American name should be washed out speedily and effectually. The 
combined powers of public opinion, legislative, judicial and executive 
authority, should be brought to bear upon it with the force of an ava- 
lanche. Flagrant crimes are suppressed only by strong measures. 
This is the acknowledged policy of the penal code of every nation 
where laws are known and respected. 

Among the victims of this cruel practice, was Button Gwinnett, a 
man of splendid talents and a pure patriot of the revolution, whose 
private character was without a stain, and his public career as bril- 
liant as it was transient. He was born in England in 1732. His 
parents were respectable, but not wealthy. Being a boy of promise, 
they bestowed upon him an accomplished education, and at his ma- 
jority he commenced a successful career in the mercantile business at 
Bristol, in his native country. He was commanding in appearance, 
six feet in height, open countenance, graceful manners, and possessed 
of fine feeling. Surrounded by an increasing family, he resolved on 
seeking another and a broader country, and in 1770 embarked for 
America. He landed at Charleston, S. C, where he commenced 
commercial business and remained two years. He then disposed of 
his merchandise and purchased a plantation upon St. Catharine's 
Island, in Georgia, to which he removed and became an enterprising 
agriculturalist. He was a man of an active and penetrating mind, and 
a close observer of passing events. Having been in England during 
the formation of the visionary and impolitic plan of taxing the colo- 
nies, he understood well the frame work of the British cabinet, and 
from his course in the struggle that ensued, it is reasonable to infer 
that hehad imbibed strong whig principles before his removal to this 
country* The subject of raising a revenue from the pioneers of the 
new world had been long and ably discussed in England. Many of 
her profoundest statesmen, and the most sagacious one that ever 
graced her parliament, lord Chatham, portrayed with all the truth of 
prophecy, the result of the unjust, the blind course of ministers to- 
wards the Americans. Connected with commerce and intelligent men 
as he was at Bristol, Mr. Gwinnett had become well informed upon 



BUTTON GWINNETT. 193 

the litigated points in controversy, and was well acquainted with the 
relative feelings and situation of the two countries. When the ques- 
tion of liberty or slavery was fairly placed before the people of his 
adopted land, he declared himself in favour of the latter. Knowing 
as he did the superior physical force of Great Britain and the com- 
parative weakness of the colonies, their freedom, at first, seemed to 
him a paradox. His doubts upon the subject were removed in 1775, 
by the enthusiasm exhibited by the patriots, and by the lucid demon- 
strations of Lyman Hall, a bold and fearless advocate of equal rights, 
with whom he became intimate. Convinced from the beginning of 
the justice of the cause, and now convinced of its feasibility, he soon 
became a public champion in its favour. He had counted the cost, 
he had revolved in his mind the dangers that would accumulate 
around Ids family, himself and his property, which he truly predicted 
would be destroyed by his enemies, and had deliberately and nobly 
resolved to risk his life, his fortune and his sacred honour, in defence 
of chartered rights and constitutional franchises. 

He enrolled himself among the leaders of the popular party and 
became a conspicuous and active member of public meetings, and of 
the several revolutionary committees. For some time after the other 
colonies had united in a concert of action against the common enemy, 
that of Georgia refused to join them. She stood perched upon the 
pivot of uncertainty, indeterminate, irresolved and doubting. Some 
of her noblest sons had become shining lights in the glorious cause, 
the fire of patriotism was extending, oppression was increasing, and, 
at length, the cry of blood was heard from Lexington. The work was 
done. Like a lion roused from his lair, Georgia started from her 
lethargy and prepared for the conflict. She resolved "to do or die." 

On the 2nd of February, 1776, Mr. Gwinnett was appointed a mem- 
ber of the Continental Congress, and took his seat in that venerable 
body on the 20th of the ensuing May. Although his constituents 
were now determined to maintain their rights at all hazards, the plan 
of independence was to the most of them more than problematical; a 
thing of visionary fancy, merely ideal, and not to be hoped for, much 
more not to be seriously attempted. The subject, however, gained 
new strength daily, and began to emerge from its embryo form. At 
this juncture, the Rev. Mr. Zubly, a colleague with Mr. Gwinnett, 
with an Iscariot heart, wrote a letter to the royal governor of Georgia, 
disclosing the contemplated measure, a copy of which was in some 
way obtained by one of the clerks and placed in the hands of Mr. Chase, 
who was proverbial for boldness, and who immediately denounced 
the traitor on the floor of Congress. The Judas at first attempted a 
denial by challenging his accuser for the proof, but finding that the 
betrayer had been betrayed, he fled precipitately for Georgia, in order 
to place himself under the protection of the governor, who had just 
escaped from the enraged patriots and was safely ensconced in a Bri- 
tish armed vessel in Savannah harbour, and could render him no aid 
on terra firma. He was pursued by his colleague, Mr. Houston, but 
upon the wings of guilt he flew too rapidly to be overtaken. 

When the proposition came before Congress for a final separation 
25 



j g4 BUTTON GWINNETT. 

from the mother country, Mr. Gwinnett became a warm advocate of 
the measure, and when the trying hour, big with consequences, ar- 
rived, he gave his approving vote and affixed his signature to the im- 
portant document that stands acknowledged by the civilized world 
the most lucid exposition of human rights upon the records of history 
— the Declaration of American Independence. 

In February, 1777, Mr. Gwinnett took his seat in the convention 
of his own state, convened for the purpose of forming a constitution 
and establishing a republican form of government. His activity in 
Congress, to which he stood re-elected, had already given him great 
weight, and he at once exercised a powerful influence in his new situa- 
tion. He submitted the draft, of a constitution which, with a few 
slight amendments, was immediately adopted by the convention. 
Shortly after this he was elevated to the presidency of the provincial 
council, then the highest station in the state, thus rising within a 
single year from private life to the pinnacle of power in the colony. 
At this time an acrimonious jealousy existed between the civil and 
military authorities. At the head of the latter was General M'Intosh, 
against whom Mr. Gwinnett had pitted himself the preceding year, 
whilst in Congress, as a candidate for brigadier-general, and was un- 
successful. His elevation and influence became a source of uneasi- 
ness to his antagonist. The civil power claimed the right to try mili- 
tary officers for offences that General M'Intosh conceived were to be 
tried oidy by a court-martial. Another root of bitterness between 
these two gentlemen took its growth from the promotion of a senior 
lieutenant-colonel, then under General M'Intosh, to the command of 
his brigade, destined for the reduction of East Florida, agreeably to a 
plan formed by Mr. Gwinnett, which proved a disastrous failure. 
This was a source of mortification to the one, and the other publicly 
exulted in the misfortune. Under the new constitution a governor 
was to be elected on the first Monday of the ensuing May, and Mr. 
Gwinnett offered himself as a candidate. His competitor was a man 
whose talents and acquirements were far inferior to his, but succeeded 
in obtaining the gubernatorial chair. General M'Intosh again pub- 
licly exulted in the disappointments that were overwhelming his an- 
tagonist — a challenge from Mr. Gwinnett ensued — they met on the 
blood-stained field of false honour — fought at the distance of four paces 
— both were wounded, Mr. Gwinnett mortally, and died on the 27th of 
May, 1777, the very time he should have been in Congress. Com- 
ment is needless — reflection is necessary. 



195 



WILLIAM ELLERY. 

The sacredness of contracts honourably and fairly entered into by 
parties competent to make and consummate them, should be held in 
nigh veneration by all. The individual and the social compact from 
the co-partnership of the common business firm up to the most exalt- 
ed nation, are bound by the laws of God, of man and of honour to 
keep inviolate their plighted faith. A deviation from the path of 
rectitude in this particular, is uniformly attended with evil conse- 
sequences and often with those of the most direful kind. The party 
that violates its engagements without accruing causes of justification, 
and to advance its own interests regardless of those of the other, 
comes to court with a bad cause. I have repeatedly remarked, that 
the American revolution was produced by a violation on the part of 
the mother country of chartered rights secured to the colonists by 
the crown under the British constitution. 

To enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two 
high contracting parties, would require more space than can be allow- 
ed in this work. A reference to some of the prominent points in a 
single charter, will give the reader an idea of the nature of the whole 
as originally granted, although some of a later date are rather more 
limited in their privileges than that of Rhode Island, to which I 
refer. 

This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal 
rights of property, excluding the king from all interference with the 
local concerns of the colony and was virtually democratic in its fea- 
tures. One of the early acts of parliament, referring to Rhode Island, 
contains the following language. "That no person within the said 
colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested, punished, 
disquieted, or called in question for any difference of opinion in mat- 
ters of religion that does not actually disturb the civil peace of the 
said colony." The feelings of the inhabitants from the time they re- 
ceived their charter up to the time oppressions were commenced by 
Great Britain, may be inferred from the following extract taken from 
the ancient records of the secretary of state of that province address- 
ed to the king. "The general assembly judgeth it their duty to sig- 
nify his majesty's gracious pleasure vouchsafed to us," &c.j and also 
from the following extract of a letter written at a later period to Sir 
Henry Vane then in England. "We have long drunk of the cup of 
as great liberties as any people we can hear of under the whole 
heavens. We have not only been long free together with all Eng- 
lish from the yokes of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies, 
against whose grievous oppressions God raised up your noble spirit 
in parliament, but we have sitten down quiet and dry from the 
streams of blood spilt by war in our native country. * * * We have 
not known what an excise means. We have almost forgotten what 



196 WILLIAM ELLERY. 

tythes are, yea, or taxes either to church or common weal." In addi- 
tion to other declaratory acts of parliament, sanctioning and constru- 
ing chartered privileges generally in all the colonies, one was passed 
in March, 1663, involving the very hinge upon which the revolution 
turned, as the following extract shows. "Be it further enacted, that no 
taxes shall be imposed or required of the colonies, but by the consent of 
the general assembly," meaning the general assembly of each colony 
separately and collectively. This single sentence of that act, based 
upon the British constitution and guarded by the sanctity of contracts 
that could not be annulled but by the mutual consent of the high con- 
tracting parties, solves the whole problem of the revolution. Living 
as the colonists did in the full enjoyments of these chartered privi- 
leges which had become matured by the age of more than a century, 
they would have been unworthy of the name of men, had they tamely 
submitted to their annihilation. To the unfading honour of their 
names let it be said — they did not submit. A band of sages and 
heroes arose, met the invader sof their rights, and drove them from 
Columbia's soil. 

Among them was William Ellery, a native of Newport, Rhode 
Island, born on the 2nd of December, 1727. His ancestors were 
from Bristol, England. He was the son of William Ellery, a graduate 
of Harvard College and an enterprising merchant, who filled many 
public stations, among which were those of judge, lieutenant-governor, 
and senator. Delighted with the docility of his son, he became his 
instructor and superintended his studies preparatory to his entrance 
in college. After these were completed, William entered Harvard 
College and became a close and successful student. He became de- 
lighted with the Greek and Roman classics and dwelt with rapture 
upon the history of the ancient republics. So great was his venera- 
tion for the ancient authors, that he continued to be familiar with 
them during his whole life, and became a lucid philologist in classic 
literature. At the age of twenty he took, the degree of bachelor of 
arts, and then commenced the study of law. In that laborious field 
he was all industry and diligence, and was admitted to practice with 
brilliant prospects before him. Located in one of the pleasantest 
towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large circle of friends who 
desired his success, blessed with superior talents, improved by a re- 
fined education, esteemed by all who knew him, his situation was 
truly flattering. He possessed an agreeable and amiable disposition, 
a strong mind, enlivened by a large share of wit and humour, an ur- 
banity of manners of a refined and polished cast, and an animation 
and life in conversation that dispelled ennui from every circle in which 
he moved. He was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large 
head, an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his 
physical movements, and with all his vivacity generally wore a grave 
aspect. He was temperate, plain, and uniform in his habits and 
-dress, and could seldom be induced to join in the chase after the 
ignusfaluus of fashion. For many years before his death, his ward- 
robe bespoke a man of another generation. 

Mr. Ellery commenced business in his profession at his native town, 



WILLIAM ELLERY. 197 

took to himself a wife, soon became eminent and obtained a lucrative 
practice. He was highly honourable in his course and gained the 
confidence of his fellow citizens and of the courts. Up to the time 
of the commencement of British oppression, his days passed peace- 
fully and quietly along and a handsome fortune accumulated around 
him. When the revolutionary storm began to gather, the mind of 
Mr. Ellery became roused and a new impetus was given to his physi- 
cal powers. His townsmen were the first among the colonists who 
had dared to beard the lion and unicorn. On the 17th of June, 1769, 
in consequence of the oppressive conduct of her captain, the revenue 
sloop Liberty, belonging to his Britannic majesty, and then lying at 
Newport, was forcibly seized by a number of citizens in disguise, 
who cut away her masts, scuttled her, carried her boats to the upper 
part of the town, and committed them to the flames under the tower- 
ing branches of a newly planted liberty tree. This was a hard cut 
and thrust at the revenue system that contemplated taxing the colo- 
nies contrary to the letter of the constitution and charters granted by 
the laws of England. This act was followed by another on the 9th 
of June, 1772, in which blood was spilt — that of seizing and burning 
the British schooner Gaspee. This was made a pretext for more 
severe measures on the part of the hirelings of the crown, and a dis- 
franchisement of the colony was recommended and urged upon par- 
liament. Already was the revolutionary ball in motion. In the 
midst of these turmoils, Mr. Ellery was not an idle spectator. He 
declared for the cause of liberty and the preservation of those rights 
that had become sacred by age and had the high sanction of the laws 
of nature, of man, and of God. In 1774, he was warmly in favour 
of the project of a general Congress, and, in conjunction with Gover- 
nor Ward, who was a delegate with Mr. Hopkins to that august as- 
sembly, approved of a suggestion already made in a letter from Gene- 
ral Greene, "that the colonies should declare themselves indepen- 
dent." The same spirit soon became general in the province. 

In 1776, Mr. Ellery was elected a member of the Continental Con- 
gress, and proceeded to the post of duty boldly and fearlessly, left 
by his constituents to act as free as mountain air. He had participat- 
ed in all the incipient measures of the conflicts in his own colony, 
he now became a vigorous and active patriot of the national legislature. 
He was fully prepared to sanction, and well qualified to advocate the 
Declaration of Independence. An agreeable speaker, master of satire, 
sarcasm, logic, and philosophy, he exercised a salutary and judicious 
influence. He was an able member of committees and was imme- 
diately placed upon some of great importance. He was upon the 
committee for establishing expresses, upon that for providing relief 
for the wounded and disabled, upon that of the treasury, and upon 
the committee of one delegate from each state for the purchase of 
necessaries for the army. He was also upon the marine committee, 
and was a warm advocate for the navy. His constituents were many 
of them bold mariners, and he felt a just pride in referring to his fel- 
low-citizen, commodore Ezek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, as the first 
commander of the little fleet of the infant Republic. It was him 



igg WILLIAM ELLERY. 

who took New Providence by surprise, seized a large amount of mu- 
nitions of war, one hundred pieces of cannon, and took prisoners the 
governor, lieutenant-governor, and sundry others of his majesty's 
loyal officers. When the time arrived for the final question upon that 
sacred instrument which was to be a warrant of death or a diploma 
of freedom, Mr. Ellery was at his post, and most cheerfully gave it 
his sanctioning vote and approving signature. With his usual vivacity, 
he placed himself by the side of Charles Thomson, the secretary, for 
the purpose of observing the apparent emotions of each member as 
he came up and signed the important document. He often recurred 
to this circumstance in after life, and observed, that "undaunted reso- 
lution was displayed in each countenance." He was continued a 
member of Congress until the close of the session of 1785, which 
shows how highly his services were valued by the patriotic citizens of 
his native state. In 1777, he was one of the important committee of 
admiralty, the committee for replenishing the empty treasury, the com- 
mittee upon commercial affairs, of the one to investigate the causes 
of the surrender of Ticonderoga, and of the one for preventing the 
employment in the public service of persons not clearly in favour of 
the American cause. He ably advocated the plan, supposed to have 
originated with him, and submitted by the admiralty committee, of fit- 
ting out six fire-ships from Rhode Island to annoy the British fleet. 

When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance 
against this patriot was manifested by burning his buildings and de- 
stroying all his property within their power. This only increased his 
zeal in the glorious cause of liberty and scarcely disturbed the equa- 
nimity of his mind. In 1778, he advocated strongly a resolution 
making it death for any member of the colonies, alias tories, who 
should betray or aid in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of 
the friends of the revolution, or give any intelligence that should lead 
to their capture. He also supported the plan of confederation adopted 
by Congress. He spent nearly his whole time in that body. 

The ensuing year he was one of the committee on foreign relations, 
which at that time involved the unpleasant duty of settling some diffi- 
culties that existed between the United States foreign commissioners, 
in addition to the usual diplomatic affairs with foreign nations. He 
was also chairman of a committee to provide provisions for the inhabi- 
tants that were driven from the island of Rhode Island and were en- 
tirely destitute of the necessaries of life. The ensuing year he was 
arduously employed upon most of the standing committees, especially 
the admiralty committee, the duties of which became very delicate, 
as the powers claimed by some of the states conflicted with those of 
the general government under the articles of confederation. A com- 
mittee was created for the express purpose of defining those powers, 
of which he was the prominent member. Their deliberations resulted 
in the determination that all disputed claims were subject to an ap- 
peal from the court of admiralty to Congress, where the facts as well 
as the law were to be finally settled. On all occasions and in all 
situations he was diligent, punctual, and persevering. In the house, 
whenever he discovered any long faces or forlorn countenances, even 



WILLIAM ELLERY. 199 

in view of the darkest prospects, his wit and humour were often so 
vivid as to dispel the lowering clouds that hung gloomily over the 
minds of dejected members. 

In 1782, he was an efficient member of the committee on public 
accounts, the duties of which had become not only of great magni- 
tude, but of a very perplexing character. Fraud and speculation had 
rolled their mountain waves over the public concerns, and to do jus- 
tice to all who presented claims, was no common task. In 1783, 
Mr. Ellery had the pleasure of being appointed by Congress to com- 
municate to his friend, General Green, a resolution of thanks and 
high approbation for his faithfulness, skill and services, accompanied 
by two pieces of brass cannon taken from the British at the battle 
of the Covvpens. 

In 1784, he was a member of the committee appointed to act upon 
the definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was also upon the one 
for defining the power of the board of the treasury, the one upon 
foreign relations, and the one upon the war office. The next year he 
closed his congressional course, and, as the crowning glory of his ar- 
duous and protracted labours in the national legislature, he advocated 
with great zeal, forensic eloquence, and powerful logic the resolution 
of Mr. King for abolishing slavery in the United States. His whole 
force of mind was brought to bear upon this subject and added a 
fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. He then 
retired to his now peaceful home, to repair the wreck of his fortune 
and enjoy the blessings of that liberty for which he had so ardently 
contended. In the spring of 1786, he was appointed by Congress 
a commissioner of the national loan office for Rhode Island, and 
shortly after, he was elected to the seat of chief justice of the supreme 
court of his native state. Upon the organization of the federal gov- 
ernment under the constitution, President Washington appointed him 
collector of customs for Newport, which station he ably tilled until 
he took his tranquil departure to another and a brighter world. The 
evening ot his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Es- 
teemed by all, he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large circle 
of friends. Honest, punctual and circumspect, he enjoyed the con- 
fidence of the commercial community in his official station, as well 
as the approbation of all in the private walks of life. During the 
thirty years he was collector of customs, a loss of only two hundred 
dollars upon bond accrued to government, and upon that bond he had 
taken five sureties. 

He spent much of his time in reading classic authors, and in main- 
taining an extensive correspondence with distinguished men. But 
three weeks before his death, he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody 
and the faults of public speakers. His bible was also a favourite cora- 

f >anion, from which he drew and enjoyed the living waters of eternal 
ife. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing, his company was a 
rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightli- 
ness and solidity rarely exhibited. His courtesy and hospitality were 
always conspicuous, the whole frame-work of his character was em- 
bellished with all the rich variety of amiable qualities, uniting beauty 



200 WILLIAM ELLERY. 

with strength, which can never fail of gaining esteem, and of render- 
ing an individual useful in life and happy in death. His demise was 
as remarkable as it was tranquil. It was that of a christian and phi- 
losopher. On the 15th of February, 1820, he rose as usual in the 
morning and seated himself in the flag bottom chair which he had 
used for fifty years, and which was a relic rescued from the flames 
when his buildings were consumed. He commenced reading Tully's 
Offices in his favourite, the Latin, language, without the aid of glasses, 
the print of which is as small as that of a pocket bible. On his way 
to the hospital, the family physician called in, and perceiving that his 
countenance was cadaverous, felt his wrist and found that his pulse 
was gone. The physician administered a little wine, which revived 
the action of the purple current. The doctor then spoke encourag- 
ingly, to which Mr. Ellery replied — "It is idle to talk to me in this 
way, I am going off the stage of life, and it is a great blessing that I 
go free from sickness, pain, and sorrow. Becoming extremely weak, 
he permitted his daughter to help him on his bed, where he sat up- 
right, and commenced reading Cicero de Officiis, with as much com- 
posure as if in the full vigour of life. In a few moments, without a 
groan, a struggle, or amotion, his spirit left its tenement of clay, his 
body still erect with the book under his chin, as if on the point of 
falling asleep. 

Thus usefully lived and thus peacefully died, "William Ellery. 
His whole career presents a rare and pleasing picture of biography, 
upon which the imagination gazes with admiration and delight, and 
which cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest 
touches of the pencil of fancy, dipped in the most lively colours of 
romance and fiction. 



LYMAN HALL. 

Decision, tempered by prudence and discretion, gives weight to 
the character of a man. The individual who is always or uniformly 
perched upon the pivot of indetermination, and fluttering in the wind of 
uncertainty, can never gain public confidence or exercise an extensive 
influence. Decision, to render us truly useful, must receive its mo- 
mentum from the pure fountain of our judgment, and not depend upon 
others to fill the lamp of philosophy, after our reasoning powers have 
become matured by experience, reflection and the solar rays of sci- 
ence. When the child becomes a man, he should think and act as a 
man, and draw freely from the resources of his own immortal mind. 
He may enjoy the reflective light of others, but should depend upon 
the focus of his own, rendered more brilliant by reflectives, to guide 
him in the path of duty and usefulness, that leads to the temple of 
lasting fame. The man who pins his faith upon the sleeve of another, 
and does not keep the lamp of his own understanding trimmed and 



LYMAN HALL. 201 

burning, is a mere automaton in life, never fills the vacuum designed 
by his creation, and, when he makes his exit from the stage of action, 
leaves no trace behind, no memento to tell that he once moved upon 
the earth in the sphere of usefulness, or bore the image of his God. 

The sages of the American revolution have left bright and shining 
examples of self-moving action and a discreet decision of character. 
Among those who were roused to exertion by the reflections of their 
own mind, was Lyman Hall, who was born in Connecticut in 1731. 
He graduated at Yale College at an early age, studied medicine, mar- 
ried a wife before he arrived at his majority, removed to Dorchester, 
S. C, in 1752, and commenced the practice of physic. After resid- 
ing there a short time he joined a company of about forty families, ori- 
ginally from the New England states, and removed to Medway, in the 
parish of St. John, Georgia, and settled under favourable circum- 
stances. He became a successful practitioner, and was esteemed and 
admired for his prudence, discretion, clearness of perception and 
soundness of judgment, united with refinement of feeling, urbanity of 
manners, a calm and equable mind, a splendid person, six feet in 
height, an intelligent and pleasing countenance and a graceful deport- 
ment. He had only to be known to be appreciated. As years rolled 
peacefully along, Dr. Hall became extensively and favourably known. 
He took a deep interest in the happiness of those around him, and in 
the welfare of the human family. He was an attentive observer of 
men and things and of passing events, and understood well the philo- 
sophy of human rights and the principles of the tenure by which the 
mother country held a jurisdiction over the colonies. When the right- 
ful bounds of that jurisdiction were transcended, he was one of the 
first to meet the transgressors and point his countrymen to increasing 
innovations. As dangers accumulated, his patriotism became fired 
with enthusiastic zeal, tempered by the purest motives and guided by 
the soundest discretion. The indecision and temporizing spirit of 
Georgia, at the commencement of the revolution, has been before de- 
scribed. This was extremely annoying to Dr. Hall, but only tended 
to increase his exertions in the work of political regeneration. Over 
the people of his own district he exercised a judicious and unlimited 
influence. He also attended the patriot meetings held at Savannah, 
in July, 1774, and in January of the ensuing year, and contributed 
much to aid and strengthen his co-workers in the good cause, then 
but just commenced. His constituents became equally enthusiastic 
in favour of liberty, and indignant at British oppression, with himself. 
All the other colonies had united in the defence of their common countrv 
against the common enemy. A frontier settlement, and more exposed 
than any other in the province, he prudently laid the whole matter 
before the people of his district, and left them to choose freely whom 
they would serve. They decided against the sovereignty of Baal and 
declared for liberty. They at once separated from the other parishes, 
formed a distinct political community, applied to be admitted into the 
confederation entered into by the other colonies, passed resolutions of 
non-intercourse with Savannah, only to obtain the necessaries of life, 
so long as it remained under royal authority, and organized the neces- 



202 LYMAN HALL. 

sary committees to carry these patriotic and decisive measures into 
eftect. Placed upon an eminence like this, they were welcomed into 
the general compact, and in March, 1775, Lyman Hall was elected 
to the Continental Congress to represent the parish of St. John, that 
stood like an island of granite in the midst of the ocean, separate and 
alone, regardless of the waves of fury that were foaming around her. 
This example had a powerful influence upon the other parishes, 
and from this lump of the leaven of freedom the whole mass became 
impregnated, and, in July following, Dr. Hall had the proud satisfac- 
faction of seeing his province fully represented by men honest and 
true, save Judas Iscariot, alias Zubly. Georgia now rose like a lion 
when he shakes the dew from his mane for the fight, and "shed fast 
atonement for its first delay." To Dr. Hall may be justly attributed 
the first impetus given to the revolutionary ball in the district of his 
adoption. As an enduring monument of praise to the portion of the 
district in which he resided, which was formed into a new county in 
1777, it received the name of liberty. 

On the 13th of May this devoted patriot took his seat in that august 
assembly that then attracted the attention of the civilized world. He 
was hailed as a substantial and devoted friend of the cause of human 
rights, and immediately entered upon the important duties of his sta- 
tion, enjoying the full fruition of the light of patriotism that illuminated 
that legislative hall. He was a valuable man upon committees, and 
although not a frequent speaker, he was heard, when he did rise, with 
deferential attention. He reasoned closely and calmly, confining 
himself to the point under consideration, without any eftbrt to shine 
as an orator. His known patriotism, decision of character, purity of 
purpose and honesty of heart, gave him a salutary influence that was 
sensibly felt, fully acknowledged and discreetly exercised. He gain- 
ed the esteem, respect and confidence of all the members. 

In 1776 he took his seat in the national legislature, and became de- 
cidedly in favour of cutting loose from the mother country. He had 
induced his own district to present an example in miniature, which 
stood approved, applauded and admired. He knew the justice of the 
cause he had espoused — he believed Providence would direct its final 
accomplishment — he was fully convinced that the set time had come 
for his country to be free. With feelings like these, he hailed the 
birthday of our independence as the grand jubilee of liberty. He 
cheerfully joined in passing; the mighty Rubicon, aided in preparing 
the sarcophagus of tyranny, signed the certificate of the legitimacy of 
the new-born infant and responded heartily to its baptismal name — 

FREEDOM. 

Dr. Hall was continued in Congress to the close of 1780, when he 
took his final leave of that body, and in 1782 returned to his own state 
to aid in systematizing the organization of her government. In com- 
mon with many of the patriots, the enemy had devastated his property 
and wreaked a special vengeance upon his district. His family had 
been compelled to fly to the north for safety, and depend upon the 
bounty of others for their support and comfort. In 1783 he was elect- 
ed governor of Georgia, and contributed largely in perfecting the 



JOHN PENN. 203 

superstructure of her civil institutions and in placing her on the high 
road to peace and prosperity. This done, he retired from the public 
arena and settled in Burke county, where he once more was permitted 
to pursue the even tenor of his ways and enjoy the highest of all earthly 
pleasures — the domestic fireside, surrounded by his own family. He 
glided down the stream of time calmly and quietly until 1790, when 
he bade a last farewell to the transitory scenes of earth, entered the 
dark valley of death, and disappeared from mortal eyes, deeply mourn- 
ed and sincerely lamented by his numerous friends at home, and by 
every patriot in his country. His name is perpetuated in Georgia by 
a county being called after him, as a tribute of respect for his valu- 
able services. 

The examples of this good man are worthy of imitation. Without 
the luminous talents that tower to the skies in a blaze of glory that 
dazzles every eye, he rendered himself substantially and extensively 
useful. He was like a gentle stream that passes through a verdant 
mead, producing irrigation in its course without overflowing its banks. 
Decision of character, prudence of action aud discretion in all things, 
marked his whole career. Not a stain tarnishes the lustre of his 
public fame or his private character. He lived nobly and died peace- 
fully. 



JOHN PENN. 

A federal republican form of government is an unlimited partner- 
ship of the purest, noblest character. Based upon an equality of original 
stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves upon 
each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations, 
each stockholder has an equal right to act, speak and vote upon all 
questions in primary meetings, without reference to the number of 
accumulative shares one may hold above another. The specie of the 
firm consists in equality of representation, equality of natural rights, 
equality of protection in person and property, and equality of personal 
freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished in quantity, or be 
reduced in quality by alloy, without courting danger. To aid in pre- 
serving them in their native purity, is the duty of all, not of a few. 
Separately and collectively, the great mass belongngto the compact 
is obligated to look to its prosperity, and use their best exertions in 
promoting the general good. Each one is bound to bring every talent 
into use, and to leave none buried in the dark quarry of ignorance, 
the quagmire of negligence, or the rust of inertness. The steward 
that had but one talent, was condemned because he had not put it to 
use. But who can tell what his talents are, until he brings them to 
the light? Rich ores often lie deep. Many men have arrived to, and 
others passed their majority, moving in a sphere not above mediocrity 



204 JOHN PENN. 

in point of intellect developed, and have then risen like a blazing 
comet and illuminated the world. By several of the signers of the 
declaration of rights, this position was fully and beautifully demon- 
strated. 

Among these was John Penn, a native of Caroline county, Virginia; 
born on the 17th day of May, 1741. He was the only child of 
Moses Penn, who married Catharine, the daughter of John Taylor. 
The education of the son was neglected by the parents, who sent him 
to none but the commonest of common schools, which unfortunately 
for the youth of the neighbourhood, were the only kind then in that 
vicinity. A little learning has been called a dangerous thing, but the 
quantum taught in some common schools even at this enlightened age, 
is too small to be dangerous, too limited to do much good. As a re- 
deeming trait in their neglect of duty towards their son, they taught 
him by example and precept, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon 
the retirement of a farm and in its cultivation young Penn plodded 
along with his father, who had no books of value or a desire for them, 
until he arrived at the age of eighteen, when his paternal guardian died, 
and left him a competence, but not a large fortune. About that time 
he became inclined to read, this inclination ripened, his mind began 
to expand and his thirst for knowledge increased. Destitute of a 
library, he communicated his ardent desire to improve his education 
to Edmund Pendleton, a neighbour and relation of his, who was an 
accomplished scholar, a profound lawyer and an able statesman. 
Convinced that Mr. Penn possessed strong native talent he made 
him welcome to his valuable library and became deeply interested in 
his improvement. After exploring the fields of science for a short 
time, this young philomath commenced the study of law, and soon ex- 
hibited mental ores, taken from his long neglected intellectual quarry, 
that were of a rich and rare variety. 

He surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing 
rapidity, and before some of his friends supposed he had mastered 
the elementary principles of Blackstone, he presented himself at the 
court for examination, was admitted to practice, and at once exhibited 
the bright plumage of a successful lawyer and an able advocate. But 
three years before, his now soaring talents were buried deep in their 
native quarry, unknown and unsuspected; a strong admonition to the 
reader, if under similar circumstances, to examine closely the powers 
of his own mind. The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as 
rapidly as his appearance at the bar was unexpected. He gained the 
confidence of the community, the respect of the courts, and the esteem 
of his senior brethren. In 1763, he added to his original stock in 
the firm of the social compact by leading to the hymeneal altar the 
amiable and accomplished Miss Susannah Lyme, thus avoiding the 
hyemal frost that creeps chillingly over the lonely bachelor. 

In 1774, Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina, and carrying with 
him a high reputation as a lawyer, soon obtained a lucrative practice. 
He had also participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were 
spreading over the colonies like fire in apraire, relative to the oppres- 
sions of the mother country. He had imbibed fqlly the principles of 



JOHN PENN. 205 

his venerable preceptor and friend, who was among the boldest of the 
bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights, and was a mem- 
ber of the Congress first assembled at Philadelphia. His liberal 
views and splendid talents did not escape the notice of his new 
acquaintances. On the 8th of September, 1775, he was appointed a 
member of the Continental Congress, to supply the vacancy occasioned 
by the resignation of Mr. Casewell. He repaired to the post of honour 
and of duty the next month, and became an active and vigorous mem- 
ber of that venerated assembly of sages, whose wisdom, sagacity, 
and intelligence emblazoned the historic page with a lustre before 
unknown. He served on numerous committees, and acquitted him- 
self with great credit in the discharge of every duty that devolved 
upon him. In the committee room, in the house, among the people, 
in every situation in which he moved, he made the cause of liberty his 
primary business. So highly were his services appreciated by his con- 
stituents, that they continued him in Congress until the accumulat- 
ing dangers that hung over his own state induced him to decline a 
re-election at the close of 1 779. He was an early and warm supporter 
of the declaration of rights, and when the joyful day arrived to take 
the final question, he most cheerfully sustained the measure by his 
vote and signature; thus enrolling his name with the brightest constel- 
lation of illustrious statesmen that ever illuminated a legislative hall, 
surpassing all Greek, all Roman fame. 

South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis, who had 
dispersed the army under General Gates; and North Carolina was 
next to be visited by the conquering foe. Emissaries from the British 
were already within its precincts to prepare the way for the entry of 
his lordship. Already had the friends of royal power received in- 
structions to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores, 
with an assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been 
practised in South Carolina spread a terror over all "but hearts of 
oak and nerves of steel." The sacrifice of Colonel Hayne at Charles- 
ton, will give the reader some idea of the spirit of revenge that actu- 
ated some of the British officers. 

When that city fell into his possession, Lord Cornwallis issued a 
proclamation, promising all who would desist from opposing the 
authority of the king the most sacred protection of person and property, 
on condition that each should sign an instrument of neutrality, which, 
by legal construction, whilst it put its signers under an obligation not 
to take up arms against the mother country, exonerated them from 
serving against their own. 

Being a prisoner and separated from his wife and six small children, 
then residing in the country and surrounded by the small pox, Colonel 
Hayne, with his mind long poising on the pivot of uncertainty as to 
what was his duty, finally, with great reluctance, signed the fatal in- 
strument upon the assurances and solemn promises of the English 
officers, and James Simpson, intendant of the Britsh police, that he 
never should be required to support, with his arms, the royal govern- 
ment. Colonel Hayne, like Bishop Cranmer, subscribed to that which 
his soul abhorred and detested, that he might be permitted to fly to 



20G JOHN PENN. 

the relief of his suffering family. And, as in the case of Cranmer, his 
enemies persecuted him the more, and never gave him any peace until 
their vengeance was wreaked upon him by inflicting an ignominious 
death, in violation of all law, justice and humanity. 

Soon after his return to his wife and children, he was called upon 
by the British to take up arms against his country and kindred, and 
threatened with close confinement in case he refused to comply with 
the order. In vain he referred them to the conditions upon which he 
so reluctantly signed the article of neutrality. In vain he claimed pro- 
tection under the militia law that imposed a fine where a citizen chose 
not to render personal service. To his relentless oppressors, all was 
a dead letter. He then pointed them to the partner of his bosom, the 
mother of his children, sinking under the small pox, and fast approach- 
ing the confines of eternity. In vain he endeavoured to excite their 
sympathy or move their compassion. In a few short hours, Mrs. 
Hayne took her departure to "that country from whose bourne no 
traveller returns," "where the wicked cease from troubling and the 
weary are at rest." Upon her own couch, peaceful and serene, she 
closed her eyes in death. A different fate was in reserve for Colonel 
Hayne. His foes still pursued him, and by their own breach of good 
faith, and of the contract of neutrality before entered into, absolved 
him from its obligations. It was no longer binding upon him, and he 
again entered the continental army, preferring death rather than 
enter the ranks of the invaders of his country. A short but brilliant 
career awaited him. He was soon made prisoner, and was sent to 
Charleston, where Lord Rawdon loaded him with irons, submitted him 
to a mock trial, exparte in its proceedings and determinations, based 
upon revenge and cruelty, resolved on the death of his victim, and that 
without delay. Colonel Hayne was doomed to be hung. This sentence 
produced amazement and dismay, indignation and surprise amongst 
all classes of people. The finest feelings of sympathy were excited 
in the breasts of a large proportion of the adherents of the crown, who 
deemed the transaction a species of murder. A petition, headed by 
the king's governor and numerously signed by persons of high stand- 
ing and advocates for the mother country, was presented to Lord 
Rawdon in behalf of the unfortunate prisoner — but all in vain. 

"Pell revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow, 
And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder." 

The ladies of Charleston, the wives and daughters of both whigs and 
tories, next united in a petition, couched in the most moving language, 
praying that the life of Colonel Hayne might be spared. This met with a 
cold reception and a prompt refusal. As a last effort to rescue the 
father from the scaffold, his infant children, dressed in their mourning 
habiliments, were led before Rawdon, and on their knees, their cheeks 
bathed in tears, implored him, with all the thrilling and heart-rending- 
eloquence of childish innocence, to spare their only surviving parent 
and earthly protector. 

"But still he stood unmoved, 

Hard as the adamantine rock, 

Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun." 



JOHN PENN. 201 

So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers could not refrain 
from weeping, and all were astounded at the cruel severity of the un- 
yielding and blood-thirsty Rawdon. 

A request was then made that Colonel Hayne might be permitted to 
die as a military officer, instead of being hung as a felon. This was 
also denied. 

As a devout christian, the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate, 
and prepared his mind to meet the approaching crisis. His youthful 
son was permitted to visit him in prison, who, when he beheld his 
father bound in irons, burst into tears. "Why," said the father, "will 
you break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told 
you that we came into this world but to prepare for a better? For that 
better life, dear boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, 
rejoice with me that my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow T 
set out for immortality. When I am dead, bury me by the side of 
your mother." No pen can fully describe that scene. When sum- 
moned to the place of execution, his firmness was worthy of the chris- 
tian, the hero, and the patriot. When upon the fatal drop, with the 
accursed halter around his neck, he shook hands with his friends, 
bade them an affectionate farewell, urged them to persevere in the 
glorious cause of freedom, recommended his children to the protection, 
of three gentlemen present, and the next moment Avas struggling in 
death. The sight was too much for his son, his brain became disorder- 
ed, his reason tied, and he soon died insane, lisping his father's name 
to the last moment of his life. 

Fortunately for North Carolina, the efficient and sagacious Greene 
and his brave officers and soldiers, checked the triumphant and mur- 
derous career of the British army. The operations of this brave 
general were greatly accelerated by the exertions of Mr. Penn. In 
1780, when Lord Cornwallis penetrated the western part of the state 
to Charlottetown, the crisis became awfully alarming, and this bold 
patriot was placed at the helm of public affairs in the state, and in- 
vested with almost unlimited power. He was authorized to seize 
supplies by force, and to do all things that in his judgment were ne- 
cessarv to repel the approaching foe. He proved himself equal to the 
emergency. He understood his duty, and performed it efficiently and 
with so much prudence that no complaints of injustice were heard, 
and the state was saved from the grasp of a merciless foe. Tarleton 
was humbled, Ferguson killed, and Cornwallis retreated. 

Mr. Penn, after discharging the public duties imposed upon him by 
his own state, again retired to private life and the pursuit of his pro- 
lusion. In 1784, he was appointed receiver of taxes for North Caro- 
lina? a high encomium upon his reputation for honestv and integrity. 
Fatigued with public service, he resigned this office in a few months 
after. This closed his public career, and he bade farewell to the busy 
and perplexing scenes of political life, decked with a civic wreath, 
surmounted with an unfading and permanent fame. He again entered 
into the enjoyments of domestic felicity, which were soon exchanged 
for those of another and a brighter world. In September, 1788, he 



208 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

was gathered to his fathers and laid in the silent tomb, there to await 
the resurrection of the great day. 

In all the relations of private life and public action the examples 
of Mr. Penn are worthy of imitation. As a lawyer he stood pre-emi- 
nent. His forensic eloquence was admirable and strongly pathetic. 
The court and jury were often suffused with tears when listening to 
his appeals, and his own feelings of sympathy were not always sup- 
pressed on such occasions. As a patriot and statesman he stood ap- 
proved and applauded by his country. His disposition was mild, 
benevolent and amiable, but firm in the performance of every duty. 
He was an honest man. Let every reader imitate John Penn in the 
effort to become useful, and banish the doctrine that merit is to be 
monopolized by a few, which should never gain credence in a govern- 
ment like ours, where every individual is equally interested in the 
first and dearest principles of freedom — personal rights equally en- 
joyed and personal liberty equally secured. 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

That man who moves only within the circumference of self, re- 
flecting no social rays upon the community in which he moves, con- 
tributing in no way "to the advancement of human happiness, winding 
himself up in the hermitical cocoon of a miser's cell or of total seclu- 
sion from the world, makes his life a vacuum aud his death a burletta. 
The acutest metaphysician can never demonstrate the problem of his 
creation, the lemma of his existence has no corollary in philosophy. 
The following apothegm from Elbridge Gerry should be deeply im- 
pressed upon the mind of every reader: "It is the duty of every citi- 
zen, though he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to the 
service of his country." This precept he enforced by the examples of 
his brilliant career. 

Elbridge Gerrv was a native of Marblehead, Massachusetts, born 
on the 17th of July, 1744. He was the son of an enterprising and 
respectable merchant, who bestowed upon him a classical education. 
He graduated at Harvard University in 1762, with a scholastic and 
mental reputation creditable to himself and pleasing to his friends. 
Judging the tree by its fruit, the seed from which it sprang must have 
been of the purest kind, and its vegetation not retarded by the absorb- 
ing and poisonous weeds of vice. Its incipient pruning and growth 
must have been directed by a master hand, to produce a form of so 
much symmetry and beauty. 

After having completed his collegiate studies, Mr. Gerry entered 
the counting-house of his father and ultimately became one of the 
most enterprising and wealthy merchants of his native town. From 
the nature of his business he was among the first to feel the weight 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 209 

of the impolitic and unconstitutional revenue system, and by the na- 
ture of his mind, he was impelled to meet oppression at the threshold. 
A man of deep reflection and investigation, he examined closely the 
nature and extent of chartered rights and of British wrongs. He made 
himself acquainted with the structure and principles of government, 
law, political economy, and national policy. No one understood 
better than him, the natural, legal and practical relations between the 
mother country and the colonies. He was therefore prepared to act 
advisedly and disposed to act firmly. His extensive influence, his 
decision of character, his sound discretion and his exalted patriotism, 
pointed him out as one of the master spirits to guide the public mind 
and aid in the public affairs of the people. He at once became a par- 
ticipant in all the popular movements in favour of liberty. On the 
26th of May, 1773, he commenced his official career as a member of 
the legislative body of Massachusetts Bay, then called "the general 
court." That assembly and the royal governor took a bold issue upon 
rights and wrongs. The unconstitutional acts of parliament were 
sanctioned by the latter, and fearlessly censured by the former. The 
general court, moved by Samuel Adams, appointed a standing com- 
mittee of inquiry for the purpose of watching closely the proceedings 
of ministers and parliament, and of corresponding with the other colo- 
nies upon the important subjects then under national consideration. 
This committee was appointed two days after Mr. Gerry had taken 
his seat for the first time in a legislative body, of which he was made 
a member. From that time forward he was a conspicuous actor upon 
the tragic stage of the revolution, in the drama of peace and in the 
construction of the federal government. He walked shoulder to 
shoulder with Adams and Hancock in the adoption of the bold mea- 
sures that roused the lion from his lair and the people to their duty. 
At the Boston tea-party, the opposition to the port bill, the impeach- 
ment of the crown judges, the controversy with Governor Hutchinson 
and the establishment of non-intercourse with Great Britain, Mr. 
Gerry stood firmly at his post. Completely prostrated in his influ- 
ence, and driven from every position assumed, Governor Hutchinson 
retired and was succeeded by General Gage. This change was of no 
advantage to the royal cause. The blending of military and civil 
power was an unpopular measure. He issued a commission for a 
new general court, but finding it would be composed of members 
inimical to his views he countermanded the order. The sovereign 
people, however, elected delegates, who assembled in October at 
Salem, an unusual place of meeting, to do the business of their con- 
stituents. The governor and council not appearing to administer 
the oath of office, they adjourned to Concord and organized a provin- 
cial Congress, of which Mr. Gerry was a leading member. They pre- 
pared an address to the governor in respectful but firm language, de- 
claring their attachment to the mother country, and their willingness 
to obey all laws of parliament and the mandates of the king that came 
within the sacred pale of the British constitution and the well defined 
charters which had emanated from it. They pointed out the viola- 
tions of right, the perversions of justice, the military array of foreign 
9,7 



21Q ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

soldiers, all tending to reduce the people to slavery. They reasoned, 
they explained, they remonstrated, but all in vain. These appeals to 
Governor Gage fell upon his adamantine soul as the morning dew 
upon the desert of Sahara. The delegates then appealed to the legiti- 
mate source of a righteous government — the people — who nobly re- 
sponded and sustained theinin the hour of peril. They then proceeded 
to adopt measures for the vindication of their inalienable rights, and 
whilst they presented the olive branch of peace they prepared for 
war. Severe measures were adopted by parliament, the charter of 
Massachusetts was altered by exparte legislation under the crown, 
illegal taxes were imposed, the hirelings of the king became more in- 
solent, the indignation of the people rose like a tornado, colonial 
blood began to flow, the tocsin of war was sounded, the clash of arms 
and fury of battle commenced, the struggle was terrific, the lion was 
conquered — America was free!! 

During all the thrilling scenes that passed in Massachusetts pre- 
vious to his election to Congress, Mr. Gerry was a leading member of 
the legislative body from its aurelia form to its more perfect growth. 
He was an active and efficient member of the two great committees 
that were for some time virtually the government — the committee of 
safety and that of supplies. 

In April, 1775, he narrowly escaped the grasp of his foes. The 
night previous to the battle of Lexington, Messrs. Gerry, Lee and 
Orne were at Cambridge, through which the British passed on their 
way to the opening scene of hostilities. When they arrived opposite 
the house where these gentlemen were in bed, a file of soldiers sud- 
denly separated from the main body and approached it rapidly. The 
patriots barely escaped by the back way in their linen as the enemy 
entered, not having time to put on a single article of their over-dress. 
After the military passed on they returned for their wardrobe, and 
immediately rallied the people to prepare for resistance. 

The night previous to the fall of his intimate friend, the brave 
Warren, Mr. Gerry lodged in the same bed with him. The anxiety 
they felt for their country drove sleep from them, and their time was 
spent in concerting plans for future action. The lamented hero of 
Bunker Hill appears to have had a presentiment of his premature fate. 
The last words he uttered to Mr. Gerry as they parted were, 

"Duke et decorum est, 
Pro patria mori."* 

In the month of July, 1775, the government of Massachusetts as- 
sumed a systematic form. A legislature was chosen and organized, 
and in a few months a judiciary was established upon the basis of the 
new arrangement. Mr. Gerry was immediately appointed to the re- 
sponsible post of judge of the admiralty court, but declined serving, 
preferring more active and exciting duties. He desired to be where 
he could render the most important services. 

On the 18th of January, 1776, he was elected to the Continental 
Congress, a situation he was well calculated to fill. Bold and fear- 

* It is .-sweet and glorious to die for one's country. 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 21 1 

less, yet cautious and prudent, he was admirably adapted to meet 
the awful crisis of that eventful era. His public reputation already 
established on a lofty eminence, he was placed upon the most impor- 
tant committees, and among others upon the one sent to head-quar- 
ters to consult with Washington and mature plans of supplies for the 
army and for its augmentation. To the speculating sutlers and to 
peculating contractors, he was a terror during the war. He intro- 
duced in Congress many salutary guards against dishonest men' who, 
during a war more especially, always hang about every department 
of government like vultures. Even now, in a time of profound peace, 
they occasionally tap the jugular vein of our republic, and produce a 
laxity of the sinews of power. 

When the declaration of independence was proposed in Congress, 
the soul of Mr. Gerry was enraptured in its favour. He had long- 
been prepared for the measure and gave it his ardent support. When 
the thrilling moment arrived for final action upon this important ques- 
tion his vote was recorded in favour of equal rights, and his signature 
affixed to that venerated instrument which verified the truth of di- 
vine prophecy — "A nation shall be born in a day." 

In \777, he was still continued a member of the national council, 
and continued to discharge his duty with unabated zeal. The com- 
mittee rooms and the house were alike benefitted by his intelligence 
and extensive experience in general business. He was called to aid 
in the arrangement of the military hospitals, the discipline and regu- 
lations of the army, the commissary department, foreign commerce, 
and otber branches of the new government, requiring the soundest 
discretion to place them on a firm basis. He was also associated with 
Messrs. Clymer and Livingston on their mission to the army to ar- 
range existing difficulties. He took a conspicuous part in the debates 
upon the articles of confederation, and was listened to with great atten- 
tion. He spoke well, reasoned closely and demonstrated clearly. 

Like Mr. Clymer, he was truly republican in all his ideas and op- 
posed to every thing that did not bear upon its face sound sense, 
practical usefulness and equality of operation. Hence he opposed 
a resolution of thanks proposed in Congress to his bosom friend, Mr. 
Hancock, for his services when he resigned the presidential chair. 
He contended that the president had done no more than to ably per- 
form his duty, the rest of the members had done the same, and it 
would be a singular entry upon the journals of Congress to record a 
vote of thanks to each. Etiquette, however, prevailed over his logic, 
and the usual vote of thanks was passed, thus introducing a custom 
in the new government that has long since lost its original importance 
by too frequent use on occasions of minor interest. 

Mr. Gerry was also upon the committee that devised the plan of 
operations for the northern army that effectuated the capture of 
Burgoyne, and upon the one to obtain supplies for the American 
troops during the winter of 1777, which took him again to the camp 
of Washington. These multiform and arduous duties, so constantly 
imposed upon him, are stronger encomiums upon his talents, perse- 



212 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

verance, patriotism, and activity, than a volume of panegyric from 
the most enlivening pen that was ever wielded by mortal hand. 

I have repeatedly referred to the religious and moral characters of 
the members of the Continental Congress as remarkable for purity. 
As a proof of the assertion, the records of that body of the proceed- 
ings of the sessioji of 1778, show a resolution passed recommending 
the several states to adopt decisive measures against "theatrical enter- 
tainments, horse-racing, gaming, and such other diversions as are 
productive of idleness, dissipation, and a general depravity of princi- 
ples and manners." Another resolution strictly enjoins upon the 
officers of the army "to see that the good and wholesome rules pro- 
vided for the discountenancing of profaneness and vice, and the pre- 
servation of morals among the soldiers, are duly and punctually pre- 
served." A third one was passed, which would be a sweeper if 
revived at the present day. It arose from a disposition on the part 
of some officers to disregard the first one above cited. It reads as 
follows. 

"Resolved, that any person holding an office under the United 
States, who shall act, promote, encourage, or attend such plays, shall 
be deemed unworthy to hold such office, and shall be accordingly 
dismissed." 

Mr. Gerry voted for these resolutions, which were passed by a 
large majority. He was upon the grand committee of one from each 
state, appointed during that session, to examine closely foreign affairs 
and the conduct of the foreign commissioners, about which consider- 
able difficulty then existed, particularly relative to Mr. Deane. The 
committee used the probe freely, and recommended to Congress to 
use the amputating knife upon every limb affected by the gangrene 
of political corruption. The report of the committee was an able 
document and produced a warm debate, in which Mr. Gerry partici- 
pated and supported it with great eloquence and force. 

On the 14th of October, 1779, he proposed to Congress the expedi- 
tion against the Indians, which was successfully executed by General 
Sullivan. He also proposed a resolution designed to guard against in- 
ducements to corrupt influence, that "no candidates for public office 
shall vote in, or otherwise influence their own elections; that Con- 
gress will not appoint any member thereof during its time of sitting, 
or within six months after he shall have been in Congress, to any office 
under the said states, for which he, or any other for his benefit, may 
receive any salary, fees, or other emolument." He urged it strongly 
but was unsuccessful. As a member of the committee of finance 
Mr. Gerry stood next in rank to Robert Morris. 

In 1780, he retired from Congress after five years arduous and 
faithful service. In all situations and at all times, he was energetic, 
zealous and active in the cause of liberty. When his duties called 
him to the army, if any fighting was on the tapis whilst he was in 
camp, he always insisted upon taking an active part. When the 
affair occurred with General Howe at Chestnut Hill, he actually 
shouldered a musket and entered the ranks; and when General Knip- 
hausen engaged the American army at Springville, he took his station 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 213 

by the side of Washington, who invested him with a volunteer com- 
mand during his stay. On both of these occasions he was one of the 
visiting committee from Congress. 

The second year after his retirement, he was again induced to be- 
come a member of the national legislature and commenced his duties 
with the same zeal that had marked his whole career. The business 
of the nation was at that time more perplexing than when in the heat 
of the revolution. An empty treasury, a prostrate credit and a 
mammoth debt, presented a fearful contrast. To aid in settling the 
derangement in public affairs, he was an important member. Com- 
mittee labours were heaped upon his shoulders as though he was an 
Atlas and could carry the world, or an Atalanta in the celerity of 
business. The local feelings and interests of the states began to be 
perplexing, and the half pay for life guaranteed by Congress to all 
officers who remained in the army during the war, was a source of 
dissatisfaction with many. This was finally settled by compounding 
the annuity for the full pay of five years. 

In 1784, he was chairman of the important committee on foreign 
relations, and of the one to perform the onerous task of revising the 
treasury department. He also brought forward a resolution for the 
compensation of Baron Steuben, who had rendered immense service 
by introducing a system of military tactics and discipline, by which 
the armies of the United States were entirely governed, and which 
were strictly adhered to long after the revolution by the military 
throughout the union. This resolution was warmly supported by 
Mr. Jefferson, but owing, as I fondly hope, to the embarrassed situa- 
tion of the financial department, it was lost. He also took a deep in- 
terest in the commerce of the republic, a subject which he understood 
well. 

In 1785, Mr. Gerry closed his services in the Continental Con- 
gress. During that year he was arduously employed upon the com- 
mittee on accounts. He also obtained the passage of his former re- 
solution relative to public officers and elections and the appointment 
of members of Congress to office. At the close of the session he 
retired from public life for a season and settled at Cambridge, not 
far from Boston, with all the honours of a pure patriot and an able 
statesman resting upon him — crowned with the sincere and lively 
gratitude of a nation of freemen. 

Time soon developed to the sages of the revolution that the articles 
of confederation which bound the colonies together when one common 
interest and impending dangers created a natural cement, were not 
sufficient to secure permanently the liberty they had achieved. Local 
interests engendered jealousies, these produced dissatisfaction, and 
this threatened to involve the government in anarchy. To remedy 
these evils, a motion was made by Mr. Madison, for each state to send 
delegates to a national convention for the purpose of forming a con- 
stitution. The proposition was sanctioned, and in May, 1787, the 
convention commenced its herculean task at the city of Philadel- 
phia, in the accomplishment of which Mr. Gerry took an active and 
useful part. He was among those who did not sanction or sign the 



214 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

instrument as adopted, and participated liberally in the political 
abuse of the partisans who were opposed to him, not by the noble 
minded statesmen who differed with him in opinion, all honest in 
their views and patriotic in their motives. They soared above the 
acrimonious scurrility of venal party spirit. 

After the constitution was adopted, no one manifested more zeal 
in adhering to it than Mr. Gerry; actuated, as on all other occasions, 
by the great republican principle — that the majority must rule and be 
obeyed. He was elected a member of the first Congress under it, and 
did much towards raising the beautiful superstructure that now towers 
sublimely upon its broad basis. After serving four years he declined 
a re-election and again sought retirement. But this was of short 
duration. The relations between America and France had become 
deranged and threatened a disastrous result. 

Mr. Adams, then president of the United States, determined on 
sending an able embassy to that government, and to make a strong 
effort to effect an amicable arrangement of difficulties before appealing 
to arms. General Pinckney was already appointed an ambassador to 
France. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Marshall, since chief justice of the United 
States, were appointed to join him in this delicate duty of diplomacy, 
empowered to act separately or collectively, as a sound discretion 
should dictate. On their arrival at Paris they were not treated with 
proper courtesy by the directory, and were not recognised as the offi- 
cial organ of their nation. Prudence and patience were necessary to 
prevent an immediate rupture between the two countries. They open- 
ed a correspondence with the French secretary of foreign affairs, and 
after many fruitless attempts to be met in a proper manner, Messrs. 
Pinckney and Marshall were ordered peremptorily to depart from the 
republicof France, and Mr. Gerry invited to stay. By his prudent, 
manly and firm course, he succeeded in allaying the angry feelings of 
the French nation, and prevented a war that for a long time seemed 
inevitable. 

On his return he was placed upon the republican ticket as a 
candidate for governor of Massachusetts. Party spirit at that time 
was in its full vigour, and the federal party had for a long time 
been in the majority. So popular was Mr. Gerry, that his antagonist, 
Mr. Strong, was elected but by a small majority, and that resulted 
from the incorrectness of some of the returns, the former having ac- 
tually received the largest number of votes. In 1805 he was upon 
the electoral ticket which succeeded. In 1810 he was elected gover- 
nor of his state by a large majority, and ably discharged the duties of 
chief magistrate. He had never entered into partisan feelings and 
views, and in his first message pointed out, in a luminous manner, the 
dangers arising from high toned party spirit, and did all in his power 
to allay it. He felt and acted for his whole country and the general 
good. This deterioration from party caused him to lose his election 
for the next term; the leaders of each having marshalled their forces 
in solid phalanx — the federal party, when consolidated, having always 
had a majority in the state since its distinctive formation. 

For many years Mr. Gerry had anxiously desired to be excused 



WILLIAM PACA. 



215 



from the public duties of high and responsible stations, but no excuse 
was accepted. In 1813 he was inaugurated vice-president of the 
United States, and proceeded to discharge the devolving duties with 
great dignity and propriety. His impartiality, correctness and can- 
dour gained for him the esteem of the elevated body over which he 
presided to the last day of his eventful and useful life — thus teaching 
by example the principle of his precept, that "It is the duty of every 
citizen, though he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to 
the service o!" his country." 

At the city of Washington a beautiful monument is erected to his 
memory, with this inscription: 

The tomb of 
ELBRIDGE GERRY, 

Vice-President of the United States, 

Who died suddenly in this city, on his way to the 

Capitol, as President of the Senate, 

November 23d, 1814, 

Aged 70. 

In the review of the life of Elbridge Gerry the pure patriot finds 
much to admire and nothing to condemn, unless a man is to be con- 
demned for an honest difference of opinion and for keeping aloof from 
high toned party spirit, which, for the sake of liberty, God forbid. His 
examples of devotedness to the good of his country, his untiring in- 
dustry, his prudence, his discretion, his intelligence, and his moral 
virtues, are all worthy of imitation and shed a lustre upon his charac- 
ter. In private life he was highly esteemed and fulfilled its duties 
with the strictest fidelity. He was emphatically a useful man in every 
sphere in which he moved. No perils retarded him from the faithful 
performance of what he deemed duty. His purposes were delibe- 
rately formed and boldly executed. He was an honour to his coun- 
try, to the cause of freedom, and to enlightened liberal legislation. 
He was truly a worthy and an honest man. 



WILLIAM PACA. 

Every man is not designed by creative wisdom to become a De- 
mosthenes or a Cicero; but every man of common sense has the power 
to be good and to render himself useful. If all were alike gifted with 
splendid talents, the monotony would become painful, and variety, 
the very spice of life, would lose its original flavour. If a//our statesmen 
were eloquent orators and were affected by the mania of speech-mak- 
ing, as sensibly as most of our public speakers are at the present day, 
we should be constantly, as we are now frequently, overwhelmed with 
talk and have but little work finished. No one" admires eloquence 



216 WILLIAM PACA. 

more than the writer, but the speedy accomplishment of business is 
of higher importance. Like our bodies that end in a narrow cell, the 
speeches of our legislators, although based upon the purest motives, 
dictated by the most enlightened understanding, decked with the beau- 
ties of intelligence, strengthened by the soundest logic and embellish- 
ed with the richest flowers of rhetoric, receive their final fate from the 
approving Aye — or the emphatic No. I indulge no desire to extinguish 
these brilliant lights, or to snuff them too closely. The volume of 
their flame, often so large as to emit smoke, might safely be diminish- 
ed and their wicks cut shorter. Brevity is the soul of wit, prudent 
despatch, the life of business. In the committee-room every man 
can be useful — the responsibilities of a vote bear equally upon each 
at the time and place he is called to act. Let the importance of no 
man be undervalued by himself or his compeers because he is not born 
with a trumpet tongue. If his head is clear and his heart right, he can 
do good. 

Some of the most useful members of the Continental Congress sel- 
dom participated in debate, and the ablest speakers were remarkable 
for conciseness and for keeping close to the question under considera- 
tion. Among those who rendered essential services in the cause of 
the revolution, in a retiring and unassuming manner, was William 
Paca, a native of Wye Hall, on the eastern shore of Maryland, born 
on the 31st of October, 1740. His father was a highly respectable 
and influential man, and bestowed upon William a good education, 
and planted deeply in his mind the principles of virtue and moral rec- 
titude. He completed his classical studies at the college in Philadel- 
phia, and in 1758 commenced the study of law at Annapolis. Indus- 
trious in his habits, and not fond of the public gaze, he applied himself 
closely to the investigation of that science which unfolds the nature 
and duty of man in all the relations of life, shows what he is and what 
he should be under all circumstances, unveils his passions, his pro- 
pensities and his inclinations, carries the mind back through the abysm 
of times of light, of shadows, of darkness and of pristine happiness, 
and illuminates the understanding more than either branch of the sci- 
ences, it being a compound of the whole in theory and in practice. 
An honest and upright lawyer, who is actuated alone by principles of 
strict justice, pure ethics, equal rights and stern integrity, can do 
more to sustain social order and promote human happiness than a man 
pursuing either of the other professions. 

Upon principles like these Mr. Paca commenced his practice, and 
upon a basis like this he built an enduring fame. He was esteemed 
for his clearness of perception, honesty of purpose, decision of charac- 
ter, prudence of conduct and substantial usefulness — all exhibiting a 
clear light, but not a dazzling blaze or an effervescent embrocation. 
Upon minds like his, the oppressions of the mother country made a 
gradual impression, that was deepened by the graver of innovation, 
and that all the powers of earth could neither efface, deface, erase nor 
expunge. Thus it was with Mr. Paca — as chartered rights and con- 
stitutional privileges were more openly infringed by the British au- 
thorities, his soul became more strongly resolved on liberty or death. 



WILLIAM PACA. 217 

He was on intimate terms with Mr. Chase, who possessed all the re- 
quisites to command, while Mr. Paca possessed the indispensable 
acquisitions of a safe and skilful helmsman. With qualities thus dif- 
fering, but with the same object in view, these two patriots commenced 
their voyage upon the boisterous ocean of public life, at the same time 
and place. 

Soon after he became a member of the bar Mr. Paca was elected a 
member of the legislature of Maryland, and discharged his duties to 
the entire satisfaction of his constituents. In 1771 he was one of the 
committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks from the citizens 
of Annapolis to Charles Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause of 
liberty, in a written controversy with the royal governor and his 
lackeys. In that letter the committee expressed a determination 
never to submit to taxation without representation, or to the regulat- 
ing of taxes by executive authority — thus fully approving and sustain- 
ing the position taken by the distinguished citizen whom they ad- 
dressed. 

Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress that convened at Phila- 
delphia in 1774, which rendered itself illustrious by proceedings of 
propriety and wisdom, such as would naturally flow from a mind like 
his. It is upon such men that we can always safely rely in times of 
peril and danger. They view every thing in the calm sunshine of 
reason and justice, and are never overwhelmed by the billows of foam- 
ing passion or sudden emotion. Always upon the terra lirma of pru- 
dence, and always prepared for action, they are ready to render assist- 
ance to those whose more towering barks often get among the breakers. 

Mr. Paca was continued a member of Congress until 1778, and 
rendered valuable services upon numerous and important committees. 
In 1775 he was a member of the one charged with providing ways and 
means to ward oft* the threatened dangers that hung frightfully over 
the cause of freedom in Virginia and North Carolina. He was also 
upon a similar committee for the aid of the northern department. 
About that time he joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a newly raised 
military corps with rifles, to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars, 
from their own private funds. His talents, his time and his fortune 
he placed in the fearful breach of his country's freedom. His exam- 
ples had a powerful influence upon the minds of his reflecting friends, 
who had unlimited confidence in his opinions, always deliberately 
formed. 

When the declaration of independence was proposed, his feelings 
and views were decidedly in its favour, but his instructions from the 
assembly of Maryland were directly opposed to the measure. The 
members of that body considered the project as wild and futile, be- 
lieving the power of the mother country sufficient to crush all opposi- 
tion. They only contemplated redress — this they fondly but vainly 
hoped for. The course of the British authorities, however, soon fur- 
nished arguments, steeped in blood, that convinced them of the ne- 
cessity of the course proposed in Congress, and about the first of July, 
1776, they removed the injunction and left Mr. Paca and his col- 
leagues to act freely without any restraint. The struggle between 



218 WILLIAM PACA. 

the adherents of the crown and the patriots in the assembly had been 
severe. The able letters written by their delegates in the national 
legislature had great weight in the colonial council, and the affair 
at Lexington admitted of no extenuation. The first decided vote in 
favour of the cause, then in embryo, obtained in the Maryland legis- 
lative body, was on the 28th of May preceding the declaration, when 
their chaplain was directed to omit praying for the king. This was a 
sore cut upon the dignity of his majesty, and, as trifling as it may 
seem, had a potent etfectupon the people. It convinced them that if 
the king had forfeited all claims to the prayers of his subjects, he was 
not pure enough to direct their destinies, and with one accord de- 
clared, "we will not have this man to rule or reign over us." 

When the glorious 4th of July, 1776, arrived, Mr. Paca was in his 
place, fully prepared to sanction the Magna Charta of American free- 
dom by his vote and signature, and enrolled his name among the great 
apostles of liberty, whose fame will continue to rise in peerless ma- 
jesty until the last trump of time shall sound its final blast and the 
elements be dissolved in fervent heat. 

On his retirement from Congress, in 1778, Mr. Paca was appointed 
chief judge of the superior court of Maryland, and in 1780 his duties 
were increased by the appointment of chief judge in prize and admi- 
ralty cases. He had proved himself an able statesman — his talents 
as a judicial officer shone with equal brilliancy. The acumen of his 
mind and his legal acquirements made him an able judge, his honesty 
and impartiality rendered him a popular one. He was a man of 
polished manners, plain but dignified in his deportment and graceful 
in his address, with an engaging, intelligent and benignant counte- 
nance, all combining to gain admiration. 

In 1782 he was elevated to the gubernatorial chair of his native 
state. As chief magistrate he sustained a high reputation for useful- 
ness and sound policy. He was a devoted friend to literature and 
religion, and did much to promote their prosperity. He inculcated the 
principles of political economy and governed the state with a parental 
care. His wise and judicious course furnished no food for malice, 
was above the assaults of slander, and afforded jealousy no loop to 
hang upon. After completing his term he retired to private life, until 
1786, when he was again called to preside over the destinies of his 
native domain. 

In 1789 he was appointed by President Washington, United States 
district judge for the Maryland district, which office he continued to 
fill with dignity and respect until 1799, when he was summoned by 
death to appear before the dread tribunal of the great Jehovah to ren- 
der an account of his stewardship. His life had been that of a good 
man, his final end was peaceful and happy. Let his memory be re- 
vered and his examples imitated. He demonstrated most clearly that 
moderation and mildness, tempered with discretion and firmness, 
govern better and more potently than angry and authoritative dicta- 
tion. 



219 



GEORGE ROSS. 

I have frequently referred, in several of the preceding biogra- 
phies, to the powerful eloquence of several of the Signers of the De- 
claration of Independence. Of its nature, the reader should be cor- 
rectly informed. 

Rhetoric, as taught in the schools, as defined in the lexicons, and 
as practised in times of prosperous peace and leisure like the present, 
is not the kind that graced the Continental Congress. 

Not to leave the reader to depend upon a picture drawn by my 
own fancy and imagination, I will present the delineation as drawn 
by those who saw and felt its influence, at the time it illuminated the 
legislative hall, roused men to deeds of noble daring, and gave free- 
dom to our happy country. 

One of the illustrious members of that body, John Adams, has 
said : "Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces 
of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is alto- 
gether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration, 
yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit, corruscations of ima- 
gination and gay pictures, what are they? Strict truth, rapid reason, 
and pure integrity, are the only essential ingredients in oratory. I 
flatter myself, that Demosthenes, by his 'action! action! action!' 
meant to express the same opinion." 

Another eminent writer, who had often felt the force of this, the 
kind of eloquence exhibited by the sages of the revolution, in describ- 
ing that of the illustrious statesman just named, remarked; "It was 
bold, manly, and energetic, but such as the crisis required. When 
public bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, when 
great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is 
valuable in speech farther than is connected with high intellectual 
endowments. Clearness, force and earnestness are qualities which 
produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in 
speech. It cannot be brought from far. Labour and learning may 
toil for it, but they toil in vain. AVords and phrases may be marshalled 
in every way, but they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, 
in the subject, and in the occasion. Affected passion, intense ex- 
pression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it, but they 
cannot reach it. It comes, if it comes at all, like the outbreaking of 
a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with 
spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in schools, the 
courtly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and dis- 
gust men when their own lives, and the lives of their wives and 
children, and their country, hang on the decisions of the hour. Then 



220 GEORGE ROSS. 

words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory 
contemptible. Even genius itself, then feels rebuked and subdued, as 
in the presence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent, 
then self-devotion is eloquent. The clear conception outrunning the 
deductions of logic; the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless 
spirit speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every 
feature, and urging the whole man onward — right onward to his ob- 
ject — this, this is eloquence, or rather, it is something greater and 
higher than eloquence — it is action, noble, sublime, and god-like 
action." 

This was the kind of eloquence that characterized the Continental 
Congress, and sounded an alarum that vibrated the souls of millions, 
and often drove back the purple current upon the aching heart. No 
long, no set, no written speeches were then crowded upon the au- 
dience to kill time and make a show. Governor M'Kean, who was 
constantly a member during the revolution, remarked, shortly before 
his death, "I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made 
in the British Parliament, and in our late Congresses, to have been 
made in the Revolutionary Congress. We had no time to hear such 
speeches, little for deliberation — action was the order of the day." 

Of the kind of eloquence above described, George Ross possessed 
a large share. This faithful public servant was the son of the Rev. 
George Ross, pastor of the Episcopal Church at New Castle, Dela- 
ware, and was born in 1730, at that ancient town. Under the parental 
roof, and under the instruction of his father, his strong native talents 
unfolded their beauties, and at the age of eighteen he became a good 
classical scholar. He then commenced the study of law with John 
Ross, an elder brother, in the city of Philadelphia, where he was ad- 
mitted to the bar in 1751. In order to have more elbow-room he lo- 
cated at Lancaster, then a border town near the confines of civiliza- 
tion, and verging on the "far west." 

Noble in his disposition, agreeable and plain in his manners, learned 
and diligent in his profession, candid, honest, and just in his course, 
he succeeded in gaining the confidence and esteem of the people, and 
a lucrative practice. In addition to all this, in order to plant himself 
more firmly in his new location, he married Miss Ann Lawler, an 
amiable and highly respectable lady, who proved an affectionate and 
worthy companion. 

He built his legal fame upon its legitimate basis, close application 
to his professional business unconnected with public politics. At the 
present day, many young men, unfortunately for themselves, when 
they are admitted to the practice of law, at once enter the political 
arena, for the purpose of obtaining professional notoriety and business. 
This conclusion is based upon false premises, and has prevented many 
from rising to a legal eminence that a contrary course would have 
gained. Sacred writ has declared, "no man can serve two masters." 
This is particularly the case with a young lawyer at the present day; 
the American revolution was a different thing. When he becomes 
devoted to the interests of a policical party, a tyrant that exacts the 
most abject and humiliating services, either his business, or that of 



GEORGE ROSS. 



221 



the party must be neglected. Reflecting men know this, and aware 
that it requires close study and diligent application to become 
learned in the law, they keep aloof from young political lawyers. 
A few high toned partisans may employ them in small matters, but 
if they have an important case, the studious, industrious attorney, 
who has not imbibed the corrupting atmosphere of modern politics, is 
the man of their choice. A word to the wise should be sufficient. 

It was not until long after his location at Lancaster that Mr. Ross 
commenced his legislative course. The time had already arrived 
when the people began to feel the smart of British oppression, and 
became more particular in selecting men of known worth, integrity 
and talents, to guard their interests against the machinations of an 
avaricious and designing ministry. They accordingly elected Mr. 
Ross a member of the colonial legislature in October, 1768. His 
reputation then stood high as an able lawyer and as a man of liberal 
views, sound judgment and decision of character. He at once exer- 
cised a salutary influence in the assembly, and took a bold and de- 
cided stand in favour of the people's rights. At that time it was the 
custom of the legislature to reply to the messages of the royal go- 
vernor in extenso, or at large. Mr. Ross was appointed to prepare an 
answer to one of these documents at the first session of his service. 
In that as at all subsequent times, he boldly objected to every propo- 
sition that he considered impolitic or in opposition to the rights and 
best interests of the people. He became a faithful and fearless sen- 
tinel, a vigorous and able champion in the cause of liberty. He con- 
tinued to serve in the legislature of his own colony until he was elected 
to Congress. He was one of the committee that prepared a consonant 
reply to the speaker of the house of burgesses of Virginia in answer 
to the resolutions recommending a general convention of delegates 
to deliberate upon the condition of the country. In every leading 
measure in favour of freedom, he was among the leading men. 

In 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the Congress convened at 
Philadelphia, and repaired promptly to the post of duty. He was one 
of the committee of the assembly that determined on sending dele- 
gates to the general convention, and was appointed by that committee 
to prepare the instructions of that body to govern these delegates in 
their action. As these instructions are similar in their main features 
to those adopted by the other colonies, I here insert them that the 
reader may see that peaceable redress of grievances was all that was 
at that time contemplated by the sages of the revolution. 

"The trust reposed in you is of such a nature, and the modes of exe- 
cuting it may be so diversified in the course of your deliberations, that 
it is scarcely possible to give you particular instructions respecting it. 
We shall therefore only in general direct, that you are to meet in 
Congress the committees of the several British colonies at such time 
and place as shall be generally agreed on, to consult together on the 
present critical and alarming situation and state of the colonies, and 
that you, with them, exert your utmost endeavours to form and adopt 
a plan which shall afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress 
of American grievances, ascertaining American rights, and establishing 



222 GEORGE ROSS. 

that union and harmony which is most essential to the welfare and 
happiness of both countries. And in doing this, you are strictly 
charged to avoid every thing indecent or disrespectful to the mother 
state." 

Under instructions like these the first general Congress assembled; 
agreeably to instructions like these that august body acted. All 
honourable means were used to restore peace on the part of the colo- 
nists that were required by the constitution of England, more was 
offered than reason and strict justice demanded. Nothing but an in- 
fatuation making men blind, deaf and dumb, could have resisted the 
appeals and consummate arguments in favour of chartered and vio- 
lated rights that were poured upon the king, the parliament and the 
people of Great Britain, from the deep, the translucent fountain of 
intelligence concentrated in the Congress of 1774. The members 
were determined to clear their own skirts of blood and not draw the 
bow of physical opposition until their arrows were dipped in the liquid 
fire of eternal justice and fixed in the quiver of wisdom. 

Mr. Ross was continued a member of the Continental Congress 
until 1777, when ill health compelled him to retire. He rendered im- 
portant services on numerous committees, and was a strong and truly 
eloquent debater in the house. He also served, when his congressional 
duties would permit, in the legislature of Pennsylvania, in which he 
continued to exercise an essential influence. The governor and his 
friends were on the alert to thwart the designs of the patriots, and for 
some time presented a formidable opposition. To raise the founda- 
tion of this royal mass, Mr. Ross placed his whole weight upon the 
political lever, and contributed largely in breaking it up. He was a 
member of the. colonial convention that commenced the new govern- 
ment, and one of the committee that prepared the declaration of rights 
on that occasion. He was chairman of the committee that formed 
the organization of the state government, and of the one that prepared 
the declaratory ordinance defining high treason and misprision of trea- 
son, and the kind and measure of punishment to be inflicted. Upon 
committees like these, his high legal acquirements rendered him an 
important member. He was a profound lawyer and an able statesman, 
and well prepared to aid in laying deep the foundations of rational 
liberty. 

On the 19th of July, 1779, he was appointed judge of the court of 
admiralty for Pennsylvnnia, and in July following was called sud- 
denly and unexpectedly to witness the untried scenes of a boundless 
eternity. His death was occasioned by an excruciating attack of the 
gout. 

Thus in the full career of life and usefulness, rising on the wings 
of fame, flushed with the hopes of liberty for his country, pressing 
right onward towards the goal of freedom, an arrow from the quiver 
of death pierced his patriotic heart and consigned him to the insatiate 
tomb. There his dust reposes in peace whilst the lustre of his ex- 
amples when living will continue to shine and will be admired by 
millions yet unborn. 

Immediately after he closed his legislative career, the citizens of 
Lancaster county passed two resolutions of the following tenor. 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 223 

"Resolved, that the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds out of the 
county stock, be forthwith transmitted to George Ross, ('Honourable' 
was not then republican,) one of the members of the assembly for this 
county, and one of the delegates for this colony in the Continental 
Congress; and that he be requested to accept the same, as a testi- 
mony from this county of their sense of his attendance on the public 
business, to his great private loss, and of their approbation of his con- 
duct. 

Resolved, that if it be more agreeable, Mr. Ross purchase with part 
of the said money a genteel piece of plate, ornamented as he thinks 
proper, to remain with him as a testimony of the esteem this county 
has for him, by reason of his patriotic conduct in the great struggle 
for American liberty." 

Here is old fashioned republican simplicity in language and expres- 
sion, flowing from its native fountain — gratitude strongly felt and 
plainly told — forming a bold contrast with the fulsome flattery of 
modern times showered upon our statesmen by fawning sycophants, 
whose gratitude is based alone upon the loaves and fishes of favour 
and office. 

Mr. Ross declined accepting the gift, assuring the committee that 
waited upon him, that he had performed no more than his duty, and 
that at such a period all were bound to exert their noblest energies to 
secure their liberty, which would afford a reward more precious than 
gold, more valuable than diamonds. 

In private as in public life, he stood approved and untarnished. No 
blemish is upon the proud escutcheon of the name of George Ross. 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

Moderation, arising from sound discretion and deep penetration of 
judgment, united with wisdom to plan, and energy to execute, is al- 
ways desirable, and, in times of high excitement, indispensably neces- 
sary in those who wield the destinies of a community. When the 
fires of passion burning in the bosoms of an enraged multitude unite 
in one cyclopean volume, the mental rod of moderation managed 
by skilful hands can alone guide, regulate, and direct it to a proper 
destination. To this quality, pre-eminently possessed by many of the 
sages of the American revolution, we owe the liberty we now enjoy. 
It was this that gave weight and dignity to the proceedings of the 
Continental Congress; leaving the mother country without an excuse 
for oppression and exciting the sympathy of other natfons in favour 
of the cause of liberty. 

No one demonstrated more fully the beauties of moderation, com- 
bined with firmness of purpose and boldness of action, than Benja- 



224 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 



min Harrison. He was the eldest son of Benjamin Harrison, and 
born in Berkley, Virginia. The date of his birth is not recorded. His 
family descended from a near relation of General Harrison, who was 
a bold leader in the revolution of the English commonwealth and was 
sacrificed upon the scaffold for his liberal principles. This relation 
settled in Surrey, Virginia, about 1640. His descendants sustained 
the high character of their ancestors, and filled many important public 
stations in the colony, and were uniformly wealthy and liberally edu- 
cated. It is recorded of Benjamin Harrison, who was the son of the 
Mr. Harrison who settled at Surrey, that "he did justice, loved mercy, 
and walked humbly with his God;" thus leaving a memento of character 
that forms the crowning excellence of human attainments. The father 
of the subject of this narrative was killed by lightning with two of his 
daughters. At that time Benjamin was prosecuting his studies at the 
college of William and Mary, where he finished his education at an 
early age. Before he arrived at his majority he assumed the entire 
management of the large estate left him by his father. He shortly 
after married Elizabeth, the beautiful and accomplished daughter ot 
Colonel William Bassett, and niece to the sister of Lady Washington. 
He was a man of great muscular power, above the middle height, 
graceful but plain in his manners, with an intelligent countenance, in- 
dicating truly strength of mind and decision of character. Towards 
the latter part of his life he became corpulent, in consequence of good 
dinners and a quiet mind. Before he arrived at the age then required 
by law, he was elected a member of the house of burgesses, and soon 
became a distinguished leader. His talents were of the peculiar kind 
calculated to lead, without an apparent desire to command. His 
magic wand was sound discretion deliberately and firmly exercised 
on all occasions, enlivened by a good humour and sprightliness that 
took off the wiry edge of his otherwise stern qualities.: for when his 
purposes were fixed, it required a powerful lever to move them — he 
adhered to them with a firmness that in a more morose man would 
have been called obstinacy. 

Wielding a powerful influence, the creatures of the crown were par- 
ticularly courteous towards him, especially just preceding the com- 
mencement of the revolution, and proposed to confer upon him the high- 
est official dignity in the colony, except that of governor, which was al- 
ways reserved for a native of the mother country. But Mr. Harrison 
was too independent in mind, too republican in principle, and too pene- 
trating in their designs, to be caught in the silken web of ministerial 
intrigue or royal cunning. With all his wealth and influence he was a 
plain common sense man, acting upon the principle that modesty is the 
handmaid of virtue, and has more charms than the pomp of courts and 
the flourish of high pretensions. He was a man of the people, and 
went for them and his country. He was too high-minded to become 
a tool, and scorned to be the slave of a king. 

As early as 1764, Mr. Harrison was one of the committee appointed 
by the house of burgesses that prepared an address to the throne, a 
memorial to the house of lords, and a remonstrance to the house of 
commons of Great Britain, predicated upon the Virginia resolutions, 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 223 

anticipating the contemptible stamp act. These documents were 
strong meat in view of a majority of the house, and by the process of 
political alchymical chemistry, were transmuted to milk and water. 
But the time rolled on that brought with it circumstances that inspir- 
ed far different feelings and action. As British oppression increased, 
Virginia patriotism and indignation were kindled to a flame that illu- 
minated the remotest bounds of the old dominion. Harrison, Henry, 
Wythe, Randolph, Jeft'erson and other sons of Virginia were roused. 
Mr. Harrison was a member of the convention that met at Williams- 
burgh on the first of August, 1774, that passed a series of strong reso- 
lutions in favour of equal rights, and sanctioned the measures of 
opposition adopted in New England. The same convention appointed 
seven delegates to the Congress to be held at Philadelphia, Mr. Har- 
rison being one. When the time arrived, he repaired to the post of 
duty and of honour. As but one object was contemplated at that time 
— the adoption of measures to sustain right, justice and peace, the 
session continued but two months, and was entirely employed in pre- 
paring petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, in which Mr. Harri- 
son aided by his counsels. A personal acquaintance and a free 
interchange of personal views, which served to establish mutual con- 
fidence, and to produce a concert of feeling when the time for more de- 
cisive action arrived, appears to have been the greatest good that result- 
ed from the meeting of that Congress. Its proceedings also placed the 
colonies in a favourable light in view of other nations and of reflect- 
ing men, showing that they paid a proper respect to the royal authori- 
ty of the mother country, and were unwilling to cut the cord of 
allegiance without a just cause. The king and his infatuated coun- 
sellors were left without excuse in their mad career. 

On the 20th of March, 1775, Mr. Harrison was a member of the 
Virginia Convention that met at Richmond, and passed the bold reso- 
lutions offered by Patrick Henry. A vote of approbation and thanks 
was also passed in favour of the delegates that had served in Congress 
the preceding autumn. Many had their eyes opened at that time and 
came to the rescue of their country. 

Lord Dunmore, anticipating the appointment of delegates to a 
second Congress, issued his proclamation forbidding the procedure, 
at the same time affecting to treat the convention as a mere bagatelle. 
But the time had arrived when proclamations from the royal governors 
had lost their virtue and were in bad odour. The convention elected 
Congressional delegates, among whom was Mr. Harrison. 

When he again repaired to his post, a wider field opened for labour. 
The proceedings of the preceding Congress had been treated with con- 
tumely by the crown, and an awful crisis had arrived. The cry of 
blood resounded from the heights of Lexington, and penetrated the 
ears, the heart, the very soul of every patriot. 

At the death of Mr. Randolph, the first president of the Continental 
Congress, Mr. Hancock was elected to fill his place. When his name 
was announced, he seemed overcome with a modest diffidence, and 
not proceeding instantly to his post, Mr. Harrison, who was standing 
near him, picked him up in his gigantic arms and placed him in the 
29 



226 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

chair, remarking, "we will show mother Britain how little we care 
for her, by making a Massachusetts man our president, whom she has 
excluded from pardon by public proclamation." 

Action now became the order of the day. Each gale from the 
North wafted tidings of fresh outrages and increasing oppression on 
the part of "mother Britain.'' Congress began to prepare for the 
worst, although many of its members still listened to the syren song 
of peace. An important committee was appointed to devise ways 
and means for defence, and for organizing the militia throughout all 
the colonies that were represented, of which Mr. Harrison was an 
efficient member. After labouring arduously for a month, the com- 
mittee reported the plan of military operations that carried the 
American armies through the revolution. From the fact that Mr. 
Harrison was uniformly selected to aid in military operations when 
they required the attention of Congress, it may be inferred that he 
was well qualified to act in that department. He was on the most 
intimate terms with Washington and enjoyed his unlimited confi- 
dence, which is the ne phis ultra of eulogy upon his character. 

In September, he was one of the committtee of three appointed to 
consult with the commander-in-chief, and with the authorities of the 
regenerated colonies, for the means of preparing for vigorous action. 
On the 29th of November, he was appointed chairman of the commit- 
tee of five to take charge of the foreign correspondence, subsequently 
organized and made the committee on foreign aft'airs. On the second 
of December, he was sent to Maryland to aid in organizing a naval 
armament to repel the predatory warfare of Lord Dunmore along the 
shores of the Chesapeake. On the 17th of January, 1776, he laid be- 
fore Congress a plan upon which to predicate the recruiting service, 
which was approved. On the 2 1st of the same month, he was placed 
upon the committee to organize the war department, and two days 
after, started with Messrs. Lynch and Allen to New York, to aid 
General Lee in arranging means for its defence, and for the erection 
of fortifications upon the two confluent rivers. On his return he was 
placed on the committee for organizing the military departments of 
the middle and southern colonies; and on the sixth of March he was 
placed on the standing marine committee, bestowing upon him labour 
according to his physical as well as mental powers. 

On the 26th of March, Congress published a complete preface to 
the declaration of independence, setting forth the contempt with 
which the petitions, remonstrances, and appeals for redress had been 
treated, and portraying in lively colours the constitutional and char- 
tered rights of the American people, and the manner they were 
trampled under foot and steeped in blood by the British hirelings. 
The same document authorized the colonies to fit out vessels of war 
to meet the mistress of the seas on her own element. At the same 
time Mr. Harrison was appointed chairman of a committee to select 
and cause to be fortified one or more ports for the protection of these 
vessels and such prizes as they might take. In May, he was made 
chairman of the committee on the Canada expedition. After consult- 
ing Generals Washington, Gates, and Mifflin, he laid a plan of ope- 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 227 

rations before Congress, which was approved. On the 26th of the 
same month he was appointed chairman of a committee of fourteen, 
directed to confer with the general officers of the army relative to a 
plan of operations for the ensuing campaign. When this was matur- 
ed he iaid it before Congress, and during its consideration was chair- 
man of the committee of the whole. With some amendments the 
report of the committee was adopted. On the 15th of June a board 
of war was organized, of which Mr. Harrison became chairman, and 
continued to fill this important post until he retired from Congress. 
In the discharge of its duties the revered Judge Peters remarks of 
him, "He was a member, &c. when I entered upon the duties assign- 
ed me in the war department. This gave me an opportunity of ob- 
serving his firmness, good sense and usefulness in deliberation and in 
critical situations, and much use indeed, was required of these quali- 
ties, when every thing around us was lowering and terrific." 

Mr. Harrison became very popular as chairman of the committee 
of the whole, and when in the house, uniformerly presided when im- 
portant questions were under discussion. He was in the chair during 
the discussion of the declaration of independence. He also brought 
up the resolution of the committee that recommended the formal pre- 
paration of that sacred instrument, and on the fourth of July reported 
it as sanctioned by Congress, and sealed his own approbation with 
his vote and signature. As a further evidence of his cheerfulness 
and good humour under all circumstances, at the thrilling moment 
when the members were signing what was by many considered their 
death warrant; as Mr. Gerry, who was a light slender man finished 
his signature, the robust Mr. Harrison remarked to him, "When the 
hanging scene comes to be exhibited, I shall have all the advantage 
over you. It will be all over with me in a minute, but you will be 
kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." 

During the protracted discussions upon the articles of confedera- 
tion, Mr. Harrison was uniformly in the chair if in the house. From 
August until the 5th of November, 1776, he was not a member of 
Congress, and was engaged in the service of his own state, having 
been appointed one of the counsellors of Virginia under the new form 
of government. He then succeeded Mr. Jefferson, and again assum- 
ed the important stations he had before so ably filled. He was also 
placed upon the committee to superintend the movements of the 
northern army. During the sad reverses of the winter of 1776-7, he 
remained firm at his post, whilst many had gone home disheartened 
and dejected, but not willing to abandon the cause of freedom. When 
Congress was compelled to fly from Baltimore to Lancaster, where 
they remained but for a day, and from there to Yorktown, he fol- 
lowed all its destinies. At one time, at the latter place, the number 
of members did not exceed twenty, but these few were rendered 
more zealous and strong from this very circumstance. When there 
were but twenty-eight, Samuel Adams said it was the truest Con- 
gress ever assembled; and when the number was reduced still lower, 
the amount of zeal manifested and labour performed was not dimin- 
ished. Its enemies predicted its final dissolution, but proved them- 



228 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

selves to be false prophets. They even reported that Mr. Harrison 
was about to desert the cause. The moderation of this patriot often 
interposed to soften proposed measures that were too hasty and harsh. 
When the question was agitated relative to the Quakers, (referred to 
in the biography of Mr. Chase,) he interfered in their behalf, and as 
one of their number often remarked, "He saved us from persecution. 
He had talents to perceive the right and firmness enough to pursue 
it however violently opposed." 

At the close of 1777, Mr. Harrison resigned his seat in Congress 
and returned to the bosom of his family. No one member had per- 
formed more labour than him, and no one was more highly esteemed 
and honoured. He was a colossus in the cause of liberty and human 
rights. He was emphatically a powerful working man. 

On his return to his constituents he was not permitted to enjoy 
repose, but was immediately elected to the house of burgesses, and 
on taking his seat, was elevated to the dignified station of speaker, 
which he continued to fill for five successive years. During that 
period the revolutionary storm rolled its fury over Virginia, which 
before had experienced but little inconvenience within its own borders. 
Arnold the traitor and Cornwallis the tyrant, were tinging its streams 
and saturating its soil with the blood of her noble sons. Fire and 
sword, murder and rapine, ruin and destruction, marked their savage 
career. The house of burgesses was driven from Richmond to Char- 
lottesville, to Staunton, and to the Warm Springs, and found but a 
transient resting place at either. Application was made to Wash- 
ington, but he could afford no relief. During these rapid removes of 
the legislature, Mr. Harrison remained firm, and used every exer- 
tion to promote such measures as were best calculated to ward off 
impending dangers. He did much to rouse the people to action and 
dispel the terrors of their minds. He knew no fugitive fears; the 
opinion of another writer to the contrary notwithstanding, uttered 
without any foundation in truth, merely to raise his own hero above his 
proper level, by climbing upon the shoulders of the towering reputa- 
tion of Mr. Harrison. This ruse de guerre will not answer even at 
this late day. Records speak for the dead in a voice that withers the 
slanderer like the hand writing that paralysed the sturdy frame of 
Belteshazzer. 

In 1782, Mr. Harrison was elected governor of Virginia and as- 
sumed an herculean task. The recent devastations of the British army, 
and the efforts of internal enemies, had thrown every thing into one 
chaotic mass. He entered upon his duties with an energy and saga- 
city that showed no "fugitive fear," and so well did he succeed, that 
he became one of the most popular chief magistrates that ever filled 
the gubernatorial chair of Virginia. He was re-elected twice, and 
then became ineligible by the constitution, and once more sought re- 
pose in retirement. Immediately after, he was nominated as a candi- 
date for the legislature without his knowledge, and for the first time 
was unsuccessful. His election was defeated by a singular circum- 
stance that was taken advantage of by his opponent. When governor, 
he had directed the militia to level the embankments at Yorktown, 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 229 

which was an unpopular measure. Without lamenting his defeat, 
effected entirely by intrigue, he removed into the adjoining county of 
Surrey, and was returned to the same legislature with his competitor; 
and to render his triumph more complete and the mortification of his 
opponents more galling, he was elected speaker of the house. Before 
the year expired his old constituents solicited him to return to his 
former residence. Old age and infirmity began to admonish him to 
retire, and he declined a re-election. 

In 1788, he was a memher of the convention of his state to which 
the federal constitution was submitted, and was appointed chairman 
of the first committee — that of privileges and elections. He opposed 
the document submitted as too indefinite in defining the powers of 
the general and state governments, and sanctioned it with certain 
amendments that were returned with it. So strong was the opposi- 
tion to its adoption by nearly half of the delegates, that they held a 
private meeting in the night for the purpose of adopting plans of oppo- 
sition that were calculated to produce the most fatal consequences. 
Fortunately, the deliberate old patriot, Mr. Harrison, gained admit- 
tance and prevailed upon them to submit to the majority of nine and 
pursue the legal remedy for obtaining amendments. This noble and 
patriotic act formed the crowning glory of his public career. In 1T90 
he was nominated chief magistrate, butdeclined serving, and used his 
utmost influence for Mr. Randolph and induced his own son to vote 
against him, who was then a member of the house, by which the gover- 
nor was elected. Mr. Randolph had become unpopular with a part 
of the members, who were confident of defeating him could they pre- 
vail upon Mr. Harrison to consent to be used as a party man. 

During the next year his health declined rapidly, and in April, 
shortly after his unanimous election to the legislature, he was pros- 
trated by a severe attack of the gout, which terminated his long and 
useful life, leaving a large family of children to mourn the loss of a 
kind father, and his country to lament the exit of one of her noblest 
patriots. He was the father of General Harrison of Ohio, whose name 
is now before the public as a candidate for the next president of the 
United States. The private character of this zealous champion of 
liberty was without reproach. His wit and humour made him a plea- 
sant companion, his intelligence and good sense made him an interest- 
ing one. His clear head, good heart, sound judgment and equable 
moderation, made him an important public servant, exactly suited to 
the times in which he lived. 



230 



CJESAR RODNEY. 

Genealogy was once an essential part, the first stepping stone of 
biography, a kind of titular idol held in great veneration. In coun- 
tries where the iron sceptre of monarchy is still swayed, where titles 
of honour create lineal dignity without regard to merit, where blood 
is analyzed by political chemistry and all the precipitants are rejected 
but the carbonate of noble pedigree, where royalty descends upon a 
non compos mentis incumbent with the same facility that it reaches a 
man of good intellect, genealogy is still measurably the criterion by 
which to determine the importance and degree of character. As 
light and intelligence shed their benignant rays upon mankind, the 
importance attached to this titular deity will be diminished. Where 
rational liberty reigns triumphant, merit alone creates dignity; the man 
is measured by his actions, not by the purple fluid that flows through 
his veins. In our free country genealogy is a matter of curiosity, not 
of veneration. The son of a coal cracker, or of a cobbler, whose father 
may have been a foundling, can rise to the highest station within the 
gift of the people by the force of talent and merit. I am aware that 
the aristocracy of wealth is a noxious weed that sheds its deleterious 
influence around us, but not yet sufficiently strong to prevent genius 
from acquiring a rapid and towering growth. In times of danger and 
peril its power will be lessened in the same ratio that these increase. 
It withers and dies when reached by the magic wand of republican 
patriotism. Then "what is a name, my lord?" 

One book error is prevalent in our country which should be correct- 
ed. It is predicated upon hereditary notions of blood, and is anti- 
republican. Some of our latest writers promulgate the idea that the 
criminal conduct of one member of a family disgraces the whole. In 
a community purely republican, every individual is judged according 
to his or her own deeds, and no act in one can criminate or disgrace 
another who is innocent. The very writers amongst us who thought- 
lessly publish this imported sentiment, pursue a different course prac- 
tically, and treat others agreeably to their merit, without reference to 
the conduct of their relations. Their practice is better than their 
theory. But few families in America can trace their ancestors as far 
back as the Rodneys of Delaware. This name was introduced into 
England with the Norman queen Maud or Matilda, as early as 1141, 
and stands among the foremost on the list of military fame acquired 
during the Norman conquest and at subsequent periods. To those 
who are conversant with the history of the stormy times of that king- 
dom, the name of Sir Walter De Rodeney, and others of the same line, 
is familiar. They were able in council and in war, they figured in the 



CiESAR RODNEY. 231 

civil, military and naval departments, and received the highest honours 
that could be awarded to their rank by kings and queens. They were 
also remarkable for magnanimity and liberality. Under the auspices 
of William Penn, a branch of this ancient family, William Rodney, 
came to Philadelphia and finally settled in Kent, Delaware. He was 
the son of William Rodney, of England, who married Miss Alice, 
daughter of Sir Thomas Caesar, a wealthy merchant. William Rod- 
ney, who located at Kent, left one son, Caesar, who was the father of 
the subject of this sketch. 

CjEsar Rodney was a native of Dover, Kent county, Delaware, 
and born in 1730. He appears to have received a good education, 
and at the death of his father inherited an ample fortune in real estate. 
He was a slender man physically, with an animated countenance, 
easy and pleasing in his manners and gentlemanly in his intercourse. 
Owing to a cancer upon his nose, which commenced its ravages upon 
him at an early age, he became greatly emaciated, and long before 
his death was emphatically a moving skeleton. The cancer having 
spread over one side of his face, he was compelled for many years to 
wear a silk bandage over it. Notwithstanding this affliction he was 
uniformly sprightly and cheerful. With a strong and penetrating 
mind, firmness of purpose and decision of character, he united an 
abundant share of keen wit and good humour, that rendered him an 
agreeable companion — his vast stock of experimental intelligence and 
practical knowledge rendered him an instructive one. 

With qualities like these Mr. Rodney became a popular public man. 
His views were liberal and decidedly republican. In 1758 he became 
the high sheriff of his native county, and discharged the duties of his 
office with so much ability that he at once gained the confidence and 
esteem of his constituents. When his term of service expired he was 
appointed a justice of the peace and judge of the lower courts. In 
October, 1762, he took his seat in the legislature at Newcastle and 
became an active and influential member. He was one of the com- 
mittee that prepared the answer to the message of the governor and 
was placed on other important committees. At the close of the ses- 
sion he was put in charge of the great seal to be affixed to such laws 
as had been passed. 

When the rights of the colonies were threatened by assumptions of 
power on the part of the mother country, not warranted by the British 
constitution and in violation of chartered privileges, Mr. Rodney was 
among the first who took a bold stand in favour of liberty. In conjunc- 
tion with Messrs. M'Kean and Kollock he was appointed a delegate 
to the Congress that convened at New York in 1765, to remonstrate 
against the stamp act and other threatened innovations upon the pri- 
vileges of the colonies, that had been long enjoyed and were guaran- 
tied by the social compact between the king and his "dutiful and most 
loyal subjects in America." 

After the stamp act was repealed Mr. Rodney was appointed on the 
committee with Messrs. M'Kean and Read to prepare an address to 
the king expressive of the joy produced throughout the colony by this 
event. It resembles those prepared by the other colonies and will 



232 CjESAR RODNEY. 

give the reader an idea of the feelings of loyalty that pervaded the 
colonies at that time. The following extract is deemed sufficient for 
the present purpose. 

"We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king that has 
made the preservation of the civil and religious rights of his people 
and the established constitution the foundation and constant rule of 
government, and the safety, ease and prosperity of his people his chief- 
est care — of a king, whose mild and equal administration is sensibly 
felt and enjoyed in the remotest part of his dominions. The clouds 
which lately hung over America are dissipated. Our complaints have 
been heard and our grievances redressed — trade and commerce again 
flourish. Our hearts are animated with the warmest wishes for the 
prosperity of the mother country, for which our affection is unbound- 
ed, and your faithful subjects here are transported with joy and grati- 
tude. Such are the blessings we may justly expect will ever attend 
the measures of your majesty, pursuing steadily the united and true 
interests of all your people throughout your wide extended empire, 
assisted with the advice and support of a British parliament and a vir- 
tuous and wise ministry. We most humbly beseech your majesty 
graciously to accept the strongest assurances that having the justest 
sense of the many favours we have received from your royal benevo- 
lence during the course of your majesty's reign, and how much of our 
present happiness is owing to your paternal love and care for your 
people, we will at all times most cheerfully contribute to your majes- 
ty's service, to the utmost of our abilities, when your royal requisi- 
tions, as heretofore, shall be made known: that your majesty will 
always find such returns of duty and gratitude from us as the best of 
kings may expect from the most loyal subjects, and that we will de- 
monstrate to all the world that the support of your majesty's govern- 
ment and the honour and interests of the British nation are our chief 
care and concern, desiring nothing more than the continuance of out- 
wise and excellent constitution in the same happy, firm and envied 
situation in which it was delivered down to us from our ancestors and 
your majesty's predecessors." 

With feelings like these pervading the colonies, the reader must 
readily conclude that nothing but the most cruel oppressions could 
have driven the American people to a revolution. Connect this ad- 
dress with the fact of a final separation from Great Britain, and the 
imagination is at once supplied with reasons for the declaration of inde- 
pendence, strong as holy writ — more especially as both documents 
emanated from the same statesmen. 

Mr. Rodney continued an active member of the legislature for seve- 
ral years and took a deep interest in all public measures. He intro- 
duced an amendment to a bill relative to slaves, prohibiting the im- 
portation of negroes into the colony. So ably did he support his 
amendment that it was lost by a majority of only two votes. 
"Whom the gods will destroy they first make mad." 

So with the British ministry — they were madly bent on reducing 
the American colonies to unconditional subjection, and after a short 
interval again commenced a system of oppression upon a broader and 



C^SAR RODNEY. 233 

bolder scale. Once more the people appealed to their king — but 
appealed in vain. Mr. Rodney was upon the committee that prepared 
the second address to his majesty just before the commencement of 
the revolution. The following extract will show the reader the views 
of the colonists and the grievances complained of. 

"The sense of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with 
your majesty in our behalf for the freedom we take in dutifully re- 
monstrating against the proceedings of a British parliament, con- 
fessedly the wisest and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our 
fellow subjects of Great Britain, who derive no authority from us, 
who cannot, in our humble opinion, represent us, and to whom we 
will not yield in loyalty and affection to your majesty, can, at their 
will and pleasure, of right give and grant away our property; if they 
can enforce an implicit obedience to every order or act of theirs for 
that purpose, and deprive all or any of the assemblies on this conti- 
nent of the power of legislation for differing with them in opinion in 
matters which intimately affect their rights and interests, and every 
thing that is dear and valuable to Englishmen, we cannot imagine a 
case more miserable — we cannot think that we shall have even the 
shadow of liberty left. We conceive it to be an inherent right in 
your majesty's subjects, derived to them from God and nature, handed 
down from their ancestors, confirmed by your royal predecessors and 
the constitution, in person or by their representatives, to give and 
grant to their sovereign those things which their own labours and 
their own cares have acquired and saved, and in such proportions and 
at such times as the national honour and interest may require. Your 
majesty's faithful subjects of this government have enjoyed this ines- 
timable privilege, uninterrupted, from its first existence till of late. 
They have at all times cheerfully contributed to the utmost of their 
abilities for your majesty's service as often as your royal requisitions 
were made known, and they cannot now, but with the greatest unea- 
siness and distress of mind, part with the power of demonstrating 
their loyalty and affection to their beloved king." 

Addresses similar to this were laid at the foot of the throne from 
all the colonies and from the Congress of 1774. The struggle be- 
tween filial affection and a submission to wrongs, was of the most 
agonizing kind. This, united with the known weakness of the colo- 
nies, renders the American revolution a striking lesson to those in 
power, admonishing them not to draw the cords of authority too 
closely, and gives encouragement to freemen to resist every en- 
croachment upon their liberty. 

In 1769, Mr. Rodney was chosen speaker of the assembly of Dela- 
ware, and filled the chair for several years with honour and dignity. 
As the specks of war began to dim the fair face of freedom he became, 
one of the most active opposers of British tyranny. He was a mem- 
ber of the Congress that convened at Philadelphia in 1774, and re- 
ceived the approbation of his constituents for his firm and patriotic 
course. The ensuing year he was again a member of the national 
assembly of sages, and took an active part in its duties, deliberations 
and discussions. In his own province he had much to do. The royal 
30 



234 C^SAR RODNEY. 

attachments were deeply rooted, and it required great exertions to 
counteract the intrigues of foes within, and repel the attacks of enemies 
without. In addition to his duties as speaker of the assembly of Dela- 
ware and member of Congress, he was brigadier-general of the militia. 
His numerous messages to the legislature, and letters to his officers, 
urging them to decisive action, manifest great industry, strength of 
mind, clearness of perception, firmness of purpose and patriotic zeal. 
He was decidedly in favour of the declaration of independence from 
the time the proposition was first laid before Congress. The day pre- 
vious to the final question upon this important measure, he was in 
Delaware pursuing means to arrest the career of certain tories in the 
lower part of the province. Mr. M'Kean informed him by express of 
the approaching crisis. He immediately mounted his horse and ar- 
rived at Philadelphia just in time to dismount and enter the hall of 
Congress, with boots and spurs, and give his vote in favour of liberty, 
and affix his name to that bold instrument that dissolved allegiance 
to England's king, and created a compact of rational freedom. 

In the autumn of 1776, the tories so far succeeded in obtaining the 
reins of power as to prevent the re-election of Mr. Rodney to Con- 
gress. But this only served to increase the exertions of this devoted 
patriot. He immediately commenced military operations and repaired 
to Princeton, soon after the brave Haslet and Mercer fell in the cause 
of justice. He was also an active member of the council of safety. 
He remained with the army for two months, and received the high ap- 
probation of the commander-in-chief for his active services in bringing 
out the militia and raising recruits. In a letter written to him by 
Washington, dated at Morristown on the 18th of February, 1777, is 
the following eulogium: "The readiness with which you took the field 
at the period most critical to our affairs — the industry you used in 
bringing out the militia of the Delaware state — and the alertness ob- 
served by you in forwarding on troops from Trenton — reflect the 
highest honour on your character and place your attachment to the 
cause in the most distinguished point of view. They claim my sin- 
cerest thanks, and I am happy in this opportunity in giving them to 
you." 

On his return to his native state he was appointed a judge of the 
supreme court, organized under the new order of things. He declined 
serving, believing that he could be of more use to the cause in other 
situations. About that time an open insurrection against the new 
government broke out in Sussex. He immediately repaired to the 
district with a few troops and quelled it at once. At the time the 
British forces were preparing to march from the Chesapeake towards 
the Brandy wine, General Rodney was stationed south of the Ameri- 
can army to watch the movements of the enemy, and if possible to get 
between them and their shipping. He exerted his noblest powers to 
rouse the militia to their duty, and acquitted himself faithfully in the 
discharge of every duty that devolved upon him. 

In December, 1777, he was again elected to Congress, but the 
legislature of his state being in session, he concluded to remain in that 
until the close of its deliberations, during which time he was elected 



CAESAR RODNEY. 235 

president of Delaware, which prevented him from rendering any fur- 
ther assistance in the national assembly. His services in his new and 
digniiied station were of the utmost importance in the exposed terri- 
tory over which he presided. His exertions in raising supplies for 
the continental army were of the most vigorous character, especially 
during the winter and spring of 1779, when the troops were much of 
the time on half allowance, and the magazines so empty and bare, 
that it frequently seemed impossible that the army could be sustained 
another week. 

During the four years that he presided over the destinies of Dela- 
ware, he had many refractory spirits to manage and many difficult 
questions to decide which required the exercise of firmness, prudence 
and wisdom. All these qualities were possessed by him. Upon his 
own matured judgment he relied. His course was onward towards 
the temple of liberty, and so discreetly did he pursue it, that he stood 
approved and applauded by every friend of equal rights, and was ad- 
mired even by his enemies. He continued to serve his country until 
1783, when he fell a victim to the cancer that had been preying upon 
him for many years. He met death with calm submission and forti- 
tude, and died rejoicing in the bright prospects that were opening 
upon his country. 

From his writings he appears to have highly respected religion and 
to have practised the soundest morals. His private character was 
unexceptionable and truly amiable. He was partial to good dinners 
but not guilty of any excesses. He was remarkably fond of a good 
joke, and sometimes exhibited brilliant displays of wit, but was ex- 
tremely careful not to give personal offence. 

When in Congress, Mr. Harrison, who had often claimed Virginia 
as the Dominion of the colonies, asked for immediate aid to protect 
her from the invading foe. When he sat down, Mr. Rodney rose, 
with assumed gravity and sympathy, and assured the gentleman that 
the powerful Dominion should be protected: "Let her be of good 
cheer — she has a friend in need — Delaware will take her under its 
protection and insure her safety. " The portly Harrison and the 
skeleton Rodney both enjoyed the "hit," and the other members were 
convulsed with laughter. 

His constitutional sympathy was so strong that he always avoided, 
if possible, scenes of physical suffering, and could not be induced to 
approach the dying bed even of his dearest friend or nearest relative. 



236 



. SAMUEL CHASE. 

To be able to judge correctly of the actions of men, we must under- 
stand the philosophy of human nature thoroughly. We must trace the 
circuit of the immortal mind, follow it through the regions of revolving 
thought, become familiar with the passions that influence and control 
it, learn its natural desires, its innate qualities, its springs of action 
and its multifarious combinations. We must understand its native 
divinity, its earthly frailty, its malleability, its contractions, its ex- 
pansions and its original propensities. In addition to all this know- 
ledge, when we judge the conduct of an individual, we must know the 
predominants and exponents of his mind, the impress it has received 
from education, the motives that impelled it to action, the circum- 
stances that produced its momentum, its propulsive and repulsive pow- 
ers, the ultimatum of its designs and its ulterior objects. With all 
these guides we shall still become involved in errors unles our judg- 
ments are based upon the firm foundation of impartiality and are en- 
lightened and warmed by the genial rays of heaven-born charity. Bias 
and prejudice are ever at our elbows, ready to lead us to false conclu- 
sions. 

With such criteria before me, I proceed to sketch, concisely, the 
eventful career of Samuel Chase, a native of Somerset county, Mary- 
land, who was born on the 17th of April, 1741. He was the son of 
the Rev. Thomas Chase, who immigrated to this country from Eng- 
land, and in 1743 became the pastor of St. Paul's parish in Baltimore, 
then a mere country village and destitute of good schools. At the 
age of two years Samuel was deprived of the tender care of his mo- 
ther by her premature death. In the superior classical and theologi- 
cal qualifications of his father to guide him in the paths of science and 
virtue, he was peculiarly fortunate. Under his instructions he be- 
came an accomplished scholar, admired and esteemed by a large circle 
of acquaintances. At the age of eighteen he commenced the study of 
law, and prosecuted it with great industry under the direction of John 
Hammond and John Hall of Annapolis. At the age of twenty he was 
admitted to practice in the mayor's court, and at twenty-two was ad- 
mitted to several of the county courts and the court of chancery. He 
located at Annapolis, married the amiable and intelligent Miss Ann 
Baldwin, and soon obtained the reputation of a sound lawyer and an 
able advocate. 

He was of a sanguine temperament, bold, fearless and undisguised, 
independent in mind, language and action, but honest, patriotic and 
pure in his motives and immovable in his purposes — qualities that dig- 
nify a man if prudently balanced, but which often rouse the most im- 
placable enmity in others. These leading trajts in the original com- 



SAMUEL CHASE. 237 

position of the nature of Samuel Chase must be kept constantly in 
view to enable the reader to form a just estimate of his character. The 
circumstances and times that influenced him must also be borne in 
mind. 

On the flood-tide of a prosperous business and forensic fame, in the 
full enjoyment of domestic felicity and social intercourse with friends, 
Mr. Chase glided smoothly along until his country began to writhe 
under kingly oppression. The stamp act, the first born of the perni- 
cious revenue system devised by the putrescent British ministry, met 
with a hostile reception in Annapolis. Mr. Chase, aided by a band of 
kindred spirits under the cognomen of the "sons of liberty," forcibly 
seized and destroyed the newly imported stamps and burnt in effigy 
the stamp distributor. No further violence was then committed. The 
king's officers opened a newspaper battery against this "furious mob," 
and directed their whole artillery at Mr. Chase, complimenting him 
with the courtly names of "busy, restless incendiary; a ringleader of 
mobs, a foul-mouthed and inflaming son of discord and faction; a com- 
mon disturber of the public tranquillity, a promoter of the lawless 
excesses of the multitude," and similar emphatic appellations — con- 
ferring upon this young patriot a diploma of honour little anticipated 
by them. His answers to these vituperations were charged with strong 
and conclusive logic, keen and withering sarcasm. This brought him 
into the political field, and so delighted were the people with the man- 
ner he handled the hirelings of the crown that they elected him to the 
colonial assembly. There he took a conspicuous part and became the 
uncompromising opposer of all measures that were not within the pale 
of the constitution or that were tinctured with oppression. So strongly 
was he in favour of liberal principles and rational liberty, that he gave 
his whole influence and vote in favour of the repeal of the law that com- 
pelled the people to support the clergy, by which the stipend of his father 
was reduced one half. Agreeably to the laws of primogeniture then in 
force, this was voting money out of his own pocket in order to impart 
greater freedom to the people at large. By his bold and independent 
course he became an object for the persecution of the creatures of the 
crown and an object of pride and admiration with the people. But 
his enemies found him a bramble full of the keenest thorns and were 
unmercifully scarified every time they approached him. His tongue, 
his pen, his logic and his sarcasm were as blighting as the sirocco of 
Sahara. 

After the repeal of the stamp act a calm of the public mind ensued, 
but it was a calm of delusion such as precedes a tornado. The inqui- 
sitorial rack of the ministry was again put in motion; fresh imposi- 
tions commenced and the fire of discontent was again kindled. The 
bill closing the port of Boston and authorizing the king's officers to 
seize and send to England for trial those who should dare resist the 
royal authority, roused the indignation of the colonies that had before 
been rather passive. A general Congress was agreed upon to meet 
at Philadelphia, and Mr. Chase, with four others, was appointed a 
member from Maryland. They were instructed to join in ' 'agreeing 
on a general plan of conduct operating on the commercial connexion 



238 SAMUEL CHASE. 

of the colonies with the mother country for the relief of Boston and 
preservation of American liberty." A committee of correspondence 
was also appointed, of which Mr. Chase was an active and efficient 
member. 

The deep solemnity and unparalleled wisdom and prudence that 
marked the proceedings of the Congress of 1774, shed a lustre around 
the cause of equal rights, then in embryo, that forced applause from 
its most violent opposers. Had not the cabinet of Great Britain been 
blinded by sordid avarice, mad ambition and political delusion, and 
had not the king been a mere automaton, the moving, loyal and logical 
appeals from that august body of sages would have been treated with 
respect and peace restored. The colonists asked for nothing but what 
was clearly right, and asked in the most respectful and even suppliant 
manner. Ministers were left without an excuse ; their sacrilegious 
hands broke the great seal of the social compact; their agents sowed 
the seeds of rebellion; their cruelty kindled the flame that devoured 
them; their visionary policy severed the cords of maternal affection; 
their treachery spread the mantle of righteousness over the cause of the 
revolution. We justly censure them for their corrupt designs but re- 
joice in the result of their projects. Haman erected his own gallows 
— Grenville and North destroyed their own power. 

In 1775, Mr. Chase was again returned to Congress, but was tra- 
melled with instructions of conciliation that were not congenial to his 
ardent feelings. His prudence, however, kept him within their limits. 
He was placed upon numerous committees and upon the very impor- 
tant one of providing ways and means for preparing a naval arma- 
ment. The ensuing year he was again elected to the national legisla- 
ture, bound by instructions disavowing a desire for independence, 
imposing upon him a course of amity and pacific submission that would 
have induced him to decline serving, had he not hoped and predicted 
truly that British violence would eventually remove the injunction. 
In the spring of 1776 he was appointed upon an important mission, 
in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin, Charles Carroll and Bishop 
Carroll. These gentlemen proceeded to Canada for the purpose of 
persuading the Canadians to join in shaking off the yoke of bondage. 
The fall of General Montgomery and the dark gloom that hung over 
the cause of liberty induced them to decline, and after the most faith- 
ful and zealous efforts the committee were compelled to return with- 
out accomplishing the desired object, and the Canadas are still enjoy- 
ing the cold comforts of foreign power. When he arrived and took 
his seat in Congress he was rejoiced to learn that the subject of a final 
separation from the mother country was under consideration and was 
ably and boldly advocated. It was the very measure to animate the 
soul of Samuel Chase. His instructions now became oppressive and 
hung over him like an incubus. He redoubled his exertions to open 
the eyes of the members of the Maryland convention and induce them 
to leave him and his colleagues to act upon their own judgments. The 
request was granted just in time for him to record his vote in favour 
of that imperishable instrument that has immortalized the names of 
its signers and is the pride of every true American. The same day 



SAMUEL CHASE. 239 

that the declaration was adopted he was elected a third time to the 
Continental Congress, and continued to serve in that body the two next 
ensuing years. 

A short time previous to the glorious fourth of July, Mr. Chase dis- 
covered that a Judas was among them in the person of the Rev. Dr. 
Zubly of Georgia, who was clandestinely corresponding with the ene- 
my. So suddenly did this ardent patriot proclaim the name of the 
traitor upon the floor of Congress, that "the gentleman from Georgia" 
admitted the truth of the charge and immediately retired from the 
house. His arrest was ordered, but when the officers went to his cage 
the bird had flown and was never "bagged." No member but the 
accuser and the accused knew the fact before it fell upon their ears 
from Mr. Chase, like a thunder clap without a cloud in view. No one 
served upon more committees during his time in Congress, and no 
one performed his duty more cheerfully and faithfully than Mr. Chase. 
In every branch of legislation he was found fully competent to act 
well his part. In forming the articles of confederation he was all life 
and industry; he considered their adoption indispensably necessary 
to insure the completion of the good work already begun. The man- 
ner of representation, the mode of voting and the claims to the south 
sea, were the three points that elicited the most discussion. They were 
finally concluded and carried the colonies safely through their long 
and bloody struggle. 

In the fall of 1776 Messrs. Chase, Wilson, Clymer, Stockton and 
Smith, were appointed a committee to take charge of the war depart- 
ment, the duties of which involved the great business of the nation. 
This power was subsequently delegated to Washington, which relieved 
these gentlemen from a most onerous burden. They cheerfully com- 
menced their labours and as cheerfully resigned their task to him, in 
whose discretion and ability they had full confidence. 

About this time Mr. Chase gave another example of his bold and 
fearless disposition. It was ascertained that many of the members of 
the society of Friends, in and about Philadelphia and New Jersey, 
inimical to the American cause, were circulating papers calculated 
to impede its progress, were acting in concert with the tories, and 
were in communication with the enemy; a report of which, with docu- 
ments substantiating the charges, was submitted to Congress by the 
committee for suppressing internal enemies, of which he was the pro- 
minent member. 

The exposure resulted in the confinement of several leading Qua- 
kers, a suppression of the seditious papers, and a course of more 
respectful neutrality by the society. The measure was then deemed 
harsh by some, and, at first view, will appear more so now; but on 
examination, taking into consideration all the circumstances of war, 
it will be found to be in accordance with the rules of epic law. 
Agreeably to the martial code of other nations, then the precedent 
guide for Congress, the punishment might have been much more 
severe. By the religious tenets of the society of Friends it can never 
be sanctioned, and by every friend of liberty, the necessity of such a 
case, imposed by the rules of war, is always regretted. Every social 



240 SAMUEL CHASE. 

compact and nation must be subject to its own laws, and minor parts 
of a community must submit to the ruling majority or superior power, or 
government cannot be maintained in any form. In 1777, Mr. Chase 
proposed a resolution to make loan office certificates a legal tender 
from whigs to tories for the payment of debts due. In 1778, the 
British parliament attempted a stratagem by which they hoped to 
create a division among the patriots by disseminating conciliatory 
propositions among the people, and by appointing commissioners, 
who, when they arrived, proposed conditions of inglorious peace. 
These promissory and flattering papers were widely circulated, and 
to counteract their influence it was necessary that Congress should 
prepare an answer. This task was imposed upon a committee and 
by that committee upon Mr. Chase. Most ably did he perform his 
duty. He unmasked the hypocrisy of the ministers, exposed their 
delusive gull trap to derision and scorn, and left them M'ithout a loop 
to hang upon. So well was it received by Congress that an unusually 
large number was ordered to be printed, and a resolution passed re- 
commending the clergy throughout the country to read it to their con- 
gregations after service on Sundays. Like all the other plans of the 
British cabinet then devised for enslaving the colonies, it recoiled 
upon their own heads with all the force of re-action. The following 
is a copy of the answer written by Mr. Chase. 

"Three years have now passed away since the commencement of 
the present war. A war without parallel in the annals of mankind. 
It hath displayed a spectacle the most solemn that can possibly be 
exhibited. On one side, we behold fraud and violence labouring in 
the service of despotism; on the other, virtue and fortitude supporting 
and establishing the rights of human nature. 

"You cannot but remember how reluctantly we were dragged into 
this arduous contest, and how repeatedly, with the earnestness of 
humble entreaty, we supplicated a redress of our grievances from 
him who ought to have been the father of his people. In vain did we 
implore his protection; in vain appeal to the justice, the generosity of 
Englishmen; of men who had been the guardians, the asserters and 
vindicators of liberty through a succession of ages; men, who, with 
their swords had established the firm barrier of freedom, and cemented 
it with the blood of heroes. Every effort was vain; for even whilst 
we were prostrated at the foot of the throne, that fatal blow was struck 
which hath separated us forever. Thus spurned, contemned and in- 
sulted; thus driven by our enemies into measures which our souls 
abhorred, we made a solemn appeal to the tribunal of unerring wis- 
dom and justice. To that Almighty ruler of princes whose kingdom 
is over all. 

"We were then quite defenceless. Without arms, without ammu- 
nition, without clothing, without ships, without money, without offi- 
cers skilled in war; with no other reliance but the bravery of our 
people and the justice of our cause. We had to contend with a nation 
great in arts and in arms, whose fleets covered the ocean, whose ban- 
ners had waved in triumph through every quarter of the globe. How- 



SAMUEL CHASE. 241 

ever unequal tins contest, our weakness was still farther increased 
by the enemies which America had nourished in her bosom. Thus 
exposed on the one hand to external force and internal divisions; on 
the other to be compelled to drink of the bitter cup of slavery and to 
go sorrowing all our lives long — in this sad alternative we chose the 
former. To this alternative we were reduced by men, who, had they 
been animated by one spark of generosity, would have disdained to 
take such mean advantage of our situation, or had they paid the least 
regard to the rules of justice would have considered with abhorrence 
a proposition to injure those who had faithfully fought their battles, 
and industriously contributed to rear the edifice of their glory. 

"But however great the injustice of our foes in commencing this 
war, it is by no means equal to that cruelty with which they have con- 
ducted it. The course of their armies is marked by rapine and de- 
vastation. Thousands, without distinction of age or sex, have been 
driven from their peaceful abodes to encounter the rigours of incle- 
ment seasons, and the face of heaven hath been insulted by the wanton 
conflagration of defenceless towns. Their victories have been fol- 
lowed by the cool murder of men no longer able to resist, and those 
who escaped from the first act of carnage have been exposed by cold, 
hunger and nakedness — to wear out a miserable existence in the te- 
dious hours of confinement, or to become the destroyers of their coun- 
trymen, of their friends, perhaps, dreadful idea! of their parents or 
children. Nor was this the outrageous barbarity of an individual, but 
a system of deliberate malice, stamped with the concurrence of the 
British legislature, and sanctioned with all the formalities of law. 
Nay, determined to dissolve the closest bonds of society, they have 
stimulated servants to slay their masters in the peaceful hour of do- 
mestic security. And, as if all this were insufficient to slake their 
thirst of blood, the blood of brothers, of unoffending brothers, they 
have excited the Indians against us; and a general, who calls himself 
a christian, a follower of the merciful Jesus, hath dared to proclaim 
to all the world his intention of letting loose against us whole hosts 
of savages, whose rule of warfare is promiscuous carnage — who re- 
joice to murder the infant smiling in its mother's arms — to inflict on 
their prisoners the most excruciating torments, and exhibit scenes of 
horror from which nature recoils. 

"Were it possible, they would have added to this terrible system: 
for they have offered the inhabitants of these states to be exported by 
their merchants to the sickly, baneful climes of India, there to perish: 
an offer not accepted, merely from the impracticability of carrying it 
into execution. 

"Notwithstanding these great provocations we have treated such of 
them as fell into our hands with tenderness, and studiously endeav- 
oured to alleviate the afflictions of their captivity. This conduct we 
have pursued so far as to be by them stigmatized with cowardice, and 
by our friends with folly. But our dependance was not upon man. 
It was upon Him who hath commanded us to love our enemies and 
to render good for evil. And what can be more wonderful than the 
manner of our deliverance? How often have we been reduced to dis- 
31 



242 SAMUEL CHASE. 

tress, and yet been raised up? When the means to prosecute the war 
have been wanting to us, have not our foes themselves been rendered 
instrumental in providing them? This hath been done in such a va- 
riety of instances so peculiarly marked almost by the direct interpo- 
sition of Providence, that not to feel and acknowledge his protection, 
would be the height of impious ingratitude. 

"At length that God of battles, in whom was our trust, hath con- 
ducted us through the paths of danger and distress to the thresholds 
of security. It hath now become morally certain, that if we have 
courage to persevere we shall establish our liberties and independence. 
The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and 
disdain ; and the parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer 
terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they 
pulled off" the mask and avowed their intended despotism. But hav- 
ing lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pur- 
suit of this execrable purpose, they now endeavour to ensnare us with 
the insidious otters of peace. They would seduce you into a depen- 
dance which, necessarily, inevitably leads to the most humiliating 
slavery. And do they believe that you will accept these fatal terms? 
Because you have suffered the distresses of war, do they suppose that 
you will basely lick the dust before the feet of your destroyers? Can 
there be an American so lost to the feelings which adorn human na- 
ture — to the generous pride, the elevation, the dignity of freedom? Is 
there a man who would not abhor a. depeudance upon those who have 
deluged his country in the blood of its inhabitants? We cannot sup- 
pose this, neither is it possible that they themselves can expect to 
make many converts. What then is their intention? Is it not to lull 
you with the fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new 
armies to prosecute their nefarious designs? If this is not the case, 
why do they strain every nerve to levy men throughout their islands? 
Why do they meanly court every little tyrant of Europe to sell them 
his unhappy slaves? Why do they continue to embitter the minds of 
the savages against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the 
affections of America. Be not therefore deceived. You have still to 
expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they se- 
cure your independence, cannot secure your country from desolation, 
your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, 
nor your children from butchery. Foiled in their principal design, 
you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise 
then! to your tents! and gird you for battle. It is time to turn the 
headlong current of vengeance upon the heads of the destroyers. They 
have filled up the measure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit 
must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much re- 
mains to do. Expect not peace whilst any coiner of America is in 
possession of your foes. You must drive them away from the land of 
promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren 
at the extremities of the continent already implore your friendship and 
protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and 
thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense the heavenly gift. And 
what is there now to prevent it? 



SAMUEL CHASE. 243 

"After the unremitted efforts of our enemies we are stronger than 
before. Nor can the wicked emissaries who so assiduously labour to 
promote their cause, point out any one reason to suppose that we shall 
not receive daily accessions of strength. They tell you, it is true, 
that your money is of no value; and your debts so enormous that they 
can never be paid. But we tell you that if Britain presecutes the war 
another campaign, that single campaign will cost her more than we 
have hitherto expended; and yet these men would prevail upon you 
to take up that immense load, and for it to sacrifice your dearest 
rights; for surely there is no man so absurd as to suppose that the 
least shadow of liberty can be preserved in a dependant connexion 
with Great Britain. From the nature of the thing it is evident that 
the only security you could obtain, would be the justice and modera- 
tion of a parliament who have sold the rights of their own constituents. 
And this slender security is still farther weakened by the considera- 
tion that it was pledged to rebels, (as they unjustly call the good 
people of these states,) with whom they think they are not bound to 
keep faith by anv law whatsoever. Thus would you be cast bound 
among men whose minds, by your virtuous resistance, have been 
sharpened to the keenest edge of revenge. Thus would your chil- 
dren and your children's children, be by you forced to a participation 
of all their debts, their wars, their luxuries and their crimes; and this 
mad and this impious system they would lead you to adopt because 
of the derangement of your finances. 

"It becomes you deeply to reflect on this subject. Is there a country 
upon earth which hath such resources for the payment of her debts as 
America? Such an extensive territory; so fertile, so blessed in its 
climate and productions. Surely there is none. Neither is there 
any to which the wise Europeans will sooner confide their property. 
What then are the reasons that your money hath depreciated? Be- 
cause no taxes have been imposed to carry on the war; because your 
commerce hath been interrupted by your enemies' fleets; because 
their armies have ravaged and desolated a part of your country; be- 
cause their agents have villanously counterfeited your bills; because 
extortioners among you, inflamed with the lust of gain, have added to 
the price of every article of life; and because weak men have been 
artfully led to believe that it is of no value. How is this dangerous 
disease to be remedied? Let those among you who have, leisure and 
opportunity collect the monies which individuals in their neighbour- 
hood are desirous of placing in the public funds. Let the several 
legislatures sink their respective emissions, that so there being but 
one kind of bills there may be less danger of counterfeits. Refrain a 
little from purchasing those things which are not absolutely necessary, 
that so those who have engrossed commodities may suffer, (as they 
deservedly will,) the loss of their ill gotten hoards, by reason of the 
commerce with foreign nations, which the fleets will protect. Above 
all, bring forward your armies into the field. Trust not to appear- 
ances of peace or safety. Be assured that unless you persevere you 
will be exposed to every species of barbarity. But if you exert the 
means of defence which God and nature have given you, the time will 



244 SAMUEL CHASE. 

soon arrive when every man shall sit under his own vine and fig-tree, 
and there shall be none to make him afraid. 

"The sweets of a free commerce with every part of the earth will 
soon reimburse you for all the losses you have sustained. The full 
tide of wealth will flow in upon your shores, free from the arbitrary 
impositions of those whose interest and whose declared policy it was 
to check, your growth. Your interests will be fostered and nourished 
by governments that derive their power from your grant, and will be 
obliged, by the influence of cogent necessity, to exert it in your 
favour. 

"It is to obtain these things that we call for your strenuous, unre- 
mitted exertions. Yet do not believe that you have been or can be 
saved merely by your own strength. No! it is by the assistance of 
heaven; and this you must assiduously cultivate by'acts which heaven 
approves. Thus shall the power and the happiness of these sovereign, 
free and independent states, founded on the virtue of their citizens, 
increase, extend and endure, until the Almighty shall blot out all the 
empires of the earth." 

This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labours of 
this devoted friend of liberty. He retired with all the honours of a 
statesman, a sage, a patriot and an honest man. He had stood firmly 
at his post a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom and 
the rights of man, an acute and discerning counsellor in every emer- 
gency, a fearless champion in times of danger, an ornament to his 
country and a terror to his enemies. As a working man he had no 
superior, as a debater he had but few equals. Without the melliflu- 
ous elocution of a Cicero, or any pleonastic parade, he spoke forcibly, 
reasoned closely, demonstrated clearly and deduced conclusively. 
He sought to inform the judgment, enlighten the understanding and 
to convince by sound argument. After the close of the revolution, 
Mr. Chase was sent to England to prosecute a claim in favour of Ma- 
ryland for bank stock, and obtained for the state six hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. His journal during his absence shows that he 
was a close observer of men and things in the minutest particulars. 
His high attainments as a lawyer, a scholar and a statesman — his frank 
and gentlemanly deportment and his thorough and persevering busi- 
ness habits, made a very favourable impression upon the British bar- 
risters and members of parliament. He remained in Europe nearly 
a year, and on his return resumed the practice of law. 

In 1786, he removed to Baltimore, in consequence of which his 
worthy friend, Colonel Howard, at whose solicitation he changed his 
residence, conveyed to him in fee a square of ten lots of ground 
situated near the plot designed for the public buildings, on the condi- 
tion that he located upon it. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lex- 
ington, Fayette and Paca streets, and the mansion house built by Mr. 
Chase is still owned by his descendants. 

In 1788, he was appointed chief justice of the new criminal court 
organized for the then town and county of Baltimore, and the same 
year was a member of the Maryland convention that ratified the fede- 
ral constitution. In 1791, he was appointed chief justice of the gene- 



SAMUEL CHASE. 245 

ral court of his native state; and in 1796, he was appointed, by Presi- 
dent Washington, an associate judge of the supreme court of the 
United States, which dignified station he filled with great ability to 
the time of his demise. He was esteemed one of the ablest judges 
upon the bench, and when serving in the courts below, seldom had 
one of his decisions reversed. His expositions of law and his charges to 
juries were learned, luminous, logical and profound. His manner was 
forcible, impressive and commanding. With all this lustre around 
him, and with his great and acknowledged services in the cause of 
the revolution still green and fresh, Judge Chase was placed in the 
crucible of severe and unrelenting persecution, prompted alone by 
political animosity, created by the lofty independence of thought and 
expression before alluded to, and which prepared him to act a bold, 
conspicuous and useful part, when the fury of British wrath was poured 
out upon his country. 

In January, 1804, John Randolph obtained the passage of a reso- 
lution in the house of representatives of the United States, instituting 
an inquiry into the official conduct of Judge Chase, and as a salvo the 
name of Judge Peters was added. No man was ever more vigorous 
and persevering in the accomplishment of an object than Mr. Ran- 
dolph, and no one was more capable of consummating his designs. 
The committee reported on the sixth of the ensuing March, acquitting 
Judge Peters from all blame, and recommending the impeachment of 
Judge Chase. On the 26th of the same month six articles of impeach- 
ment were reported, predicated upon the following grounds: In 1800, 
he presided with Judge Peters at Philadelphia, when and where John 
Fries, who had been tried before Judges Peters and Iredel at the pre- 
vious session for treason against the government of Pennsylvania, was 
put upon his trial a second time, in consequence of some informality 
at his first. Having been fully informed of the points of law at issue 
and the proceedings of the first trial, Judge Chase previously prepared 
an elaborate exposition of his opinions upon the law of treason, and 
with his constitutional frankness, and with the approbation of Judge 
Peters, submitted a copy to the counsel for the defendant and to the 
district attorney, reserving a copy for the jury after the trial was over. 
Messrs. Lewis and Dallas, counsel for the prisoner, considered this 
professionally and pi'ofessedly a pre-judgment of the case, suffered 
Fries to be tried without any aid, undoubtedly intending and success- 
fully succeeding in creating an excitement of sympathy that procured 
his pardon immediately after conviction. Fries subsequently called 
upon Judge Chase and thanked him for the impartial manner he had 
treated him when on his trial. The whole matter was then considered, 
as it undoubtedly was, a ruse de guerre of ingenious counsel, and no 
one attributed any bad motives to the bench. The approval of Judge 
Peters at the time is a conclusive evidence that the course of Judge 
Chase was not only pure in design, but that it was not in violation of 
the strictest rules of judiciary proceedings. He had given an opinion 
upon the law, not upon the facts of the case. This he was bound 
to explain to the grand jurors before they proceeded to find any 
bills, and to the traverse jury that tried each prisoner. This consti- 



246 SAMUEL CHASE. 

tuted the first charge in the impeachment. Shortly after, a man 
named Callendar was tried before Judge Chase in Richmond, Virgi- 
nia, under the sedition law, for publishing a libel upon the president. 
During the trial the judge refused the admission of testimony offered 
on the part of the prisoner, as he believed illegally, and thereby 
greatly offended those who were opposed to the law in question. He 
believed the law salutary, as he did that which suppressed the tories 
and Quakers in 1776; and believed the venality of the press required 
a check; many others thought differently. The law, right or wrong, 
he was compelled by his oath of office to execute so long as it remained 
in force. That his legal decisions were correct, must be presumed, or 
a writ of error would have been taken under the existing excitement. 
This formed the foundation of the second charge. 

From Virginia he proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, where he 
held a court aided by Judge Bedford. In his charge to the grand 
jurors, presuming that cases under the unpopular sedition law might 
come before them, he gave his views frankly upon it, and that they 
might better understand what constituted a breach of its provisions, 
alluded to the publications of a high toned party paper printed in the 
district, as containing the kind of libels intended to be suppressed by 
it. This gave great offence to those who were opposed to it. But 
the judge only discharged a duty which he had sworn to perform. 
The personal allusion may be considered by some uncourteous, but 
his object was plain and simple demonstration for which he was al- 
ways remarkable. No ingenuity has or ever can fairly construe it 
into a pre-judgment of the case. The publications were before him, 
they came clearly within the meaning and intention of the law. He 
charged them upon no individual specifically, but that some one had 
published them was beyond dispute, and that they were in violation 
of the law in question, was to his mind equally plain. This constitut- 
ed the ground of the third article of the impeachment. 

In 1803, Judge Chase, in delivering his charge to the grand jury of 
Baltimore, having become a decided federalist and believing the course 
pursued by the democrats was wrong, made sundry remarks upon the 
politics of the day. This was, in my opinion, a surplusage of duty, 
but not a subject of impeachment, and may be traced to the warm 
temperament of his mind, the great political excitement of that period, 
and to the innovations, as he believed them, upon the constitution 
and laws by political influence, without discovering a shadow of im- 
purity in his motives. Freedom of speech is a constitutional privi- 
lege, and he was only using the same liberty claimed by his opponents, 
and which was then given by the repeal of the sedition law. That 
it was a proper time and place to read a political lecture I do not pre- 
tend, but it does not therefore follow that his designs were corrupt 
or his conduct criminal. The ermine of a judge is not rendered more 
comely by being powdered with the farina of politics, but his right to 
think and speak upon this subject, none will question. He animad- 
verted in his charge upon the alterations of the constitution of his na- 
tive state, particularly upon that of the extension of the right of suf- 
frage, to which he had strong objections. In this particular his 



SAMUEL CHASE. 247 

opinions were in unison with many of the most devoted patriots of the 
revolution, who deemed the elective franchise unsafe if controlled by 
uninformed men, who, not distinctly understanding, would not pro- 
perly appreciate their rights. The reasons for this opinion were strong- 
er then than now, and an anxiety to preserve the government pure and 
undefiled, unquestionably pervaded the bosom of Judge Chase. 

In another part of this charge to the grand jury he spoke strongly 
against the changes that had been made in the judiciary system of the 
United States, attributed them to party politics, and deemed them 
personal in their objects and not conducive to the public good in their 
operation. The last two points were proper subjects of comment, inas- 
much as they related to his official duties. That a man like him 
should remark severely upon what he believed to be impolitic or 
wrong, was a matter of course. He was never accustomed to half- 
way business. In all this nothing appears to lead any candid mind 
to suppose he was not honest in his intentions and pure in his motives. 
Upon these premises the six articles of impeachment were based, and 
at the next session, out of the same material, two more were manu- 
factured — the natural increase of a year. 

On the 2nd of January, 1805, Judge Chase was arraigned before the 
Senate of the United States, a majority of the members being politically 
opposed to him, but among them were men who loved justice more than 
party. The gigantic powers of Mr. Randolph were brought to bear 
against the accused with all their force. The trial continued, except a 
short recess, until the first of March, a part of which time the Judge 
was confined by illness. He was defended by Messrs. Martin, Hopkin- 
son, Harper and Key, ably and faithfully. Of five of the charges he 
was acquitted by a majority of the Senate, and a constitutional number 
could not be obtained to convict him on the others, and of course he 
stood approved, acquitted and triumphant over his enemies at the 
highest tribunal of his country. He had never doubted the favourable 
result and was at no time depressed by the prosecution.- From that 
period to the time of his last illness his peace was undisturbed, and he 
continued to be an ornament to the judiciary, an honour to his coun- 
try, and the faithful friend of human rights and equal justice. On 
the 19th of June, 1811, surrounded by his family and friends and 
in the full enjoyment of the smiles of his Redeemer, he bade a last 
farewell to sublunary things and died peaceful and happy. 

In the character of this great and good man we find no corruption 
to condemn, and many strong and brilliant traits to admire. As a 
revolutionary patriot he stood on a lofty eminence; as a statesman he 
rendered many and important services; as a lawyer he enjoyed a high 
reputation; as a judge, his talents and legal acquirements were of the 
most exalted character. All the charges against his judicial career, 
and the result of their investigation, have been faithfully laid before 
the reader, who is left to examine impartially, and I hope, to judge 
correctly. I find no evidence of guile in his heart; he expressed his 
opinions freely, he felt them strongly, and was evidently sincere in 
his conclusions. 

Against his private character malice and slander never directed an 



248 WILLIAM HOOPER. 

arrow. He was in all respects above suspicion. He was a kind hus- 
band, an affectionate father, a warm friend, and an open, honourable, 
but scarifying enemy. From the constitution of his nature and the 
vehemence of his feelings, he was calculated to gain strong friends 
and create violent enemies. His independence and decision were 
admired, but often roused animosity in others. His political oppo- 
nents he handled with great severity, which accounts for the mighty 
effort made to prostrate him. 

He was a man of a noble and benevolent disposition — a friend to 
the poor and needy. A particular instance of his generosity was 
exhibited in 1783. Listening to the discussions of a debating club 
in Baltimore, he was forcibly struck with the talent exhibited by a 
youth, to him an utter stranger. On inquiry, he found that he was 
poor, and in the employment of an apothecary. He called upon him, 
advised him to study law; offered him a home at his house, the use 
of his library, and the aid of his instruction. His proposition was 
accepted; the youth arrived at manhood, rose to eminence, and became 
an ornament to America. This was the celebrated William Pinkney, 
who was minister to Russia, London, Naples, and attorney-general 
of the United States. He often recurred to his benefactor with feel- 
ings of the profoundest gratitude in after life. 

Judge Chase was also a friend to education and religion. He was 
a member of St. Paul parish, and was active in promoting the best 
interests of practical piety, social order and purity of morals. His 
force, vigour, and decision of character and stern integrity, were ad- 
mirably calculated for the period in which he lived; and if he some- 
times offended by soaring above the non-committal system of technical 
politics, it must be attributed to the strong combination of conflicting 
circumstances that uniformly attend the period of a revolution, the 
formation of a new government, and the asperity of high-toned parties, 
operating as they did upon the sensitive feelings of an ardent, patriotic 
and independent mind. 



WILLIAM HOOPER. 

The fear of God is the beginning of wisdom. This ancient apo- 
thegm can never be controverted by the ingenuity of sophistry; it is 
based upon reason, justice, and sound philosophy. Its solution is brief. 
To be wise is to be good — to be good is to be happy. To avoid all 
vice and practise only virtue, is the great desideratum of earthly bliss. 
Virtue carries with it its own reward. Vanity and vain glory may 
be richly laden with blossoms, but they bear no fruit. We must 
look to the great Author of all good for substantial enjoyment; we must 
fear to offend the majesty of his laws to be truly wise. The greatest 
men who have ever figured upon the stage of action, fully recognised 



WILLIAM HOOPER. 249 

the power of omnipotence, and feared to offend the great Jehovah. 
The sages of the American revolution were constantly under the in- 
fluence of this salutary principle. This may be inferred from their 
writings, their examples, and the proceedings of the Continental Con- 
gress. Days of humiliation and prayer were frequently fixed and 
recommended by legislative proclamation, by the states and by the 
general government. 

Among those of the signers who appears to have lived with the fear 
of God before his eyes, was William Hooper, a native of Boston, 
Massachusetts, born on the 17th of June, 1742. He was the son of 
the Reverend William Hooper, who came from Kelso, in the south of 
Scotland, and was for many years the pastor of Trinity church in 
Boston. He was a man of high accomplishments, a good scholar, an 
able and eloquent preacher, and a devoted christian. He was useful 
in life and lived in the affections of his people. 

William, being of a slender constitution, received the first rudiments 
of his education from his father under the parental roof. At the age 
of seven years he was placed under the care of Mr. Lovell, and at the 
age of fifteen he entered Harvard University. His talents were of a high 
order and his industry untiring. His mind was moulded in wisdom, 
and averse to trifling amusements and fleeting pleasures. During va- 
cation he repaired to his father's library and devoted himself to the 
acquisition of knowledge, instead of obtaining a relaxation from study 
by mingling in the convivial circle. He had a great taste for the 
classics and polite literature. He paid particular attention to com- 
position and elocution. Refinement in every thing was his aim. 

In 1760, he graduated with the degree of bachelor of arts, and com- 
menced the study of law under James Otis, one of the most distin- 
guished counsellors of that day. From the pious course of his life 
from his youth up, his father had indulged a hope that his inclination 
would have led him to the pulpit, but cheerfully submitted to the 
choice he had made. The same industry and correct deportment that 
carried him successfully through college, enabled him to master the 
intricate science of his election, and gain the esteem of all who knew 
him. After completing his course he was admitted to practice, richly 
stored with theory for future use. 

Manhood had now spread its dignified mantle over him. He was 
of the middle height, slender and elegant in form, gentlemanly and 
engaging in his manners, with strangers rather reserve, with his friends 
frank and familiar, free from affectation, of a serious turn, and at all 
times honest and sincere. His countenance beamed with intelligence 
and benignity, his powers of conversation were pleasing and instruc- 
tive, chaste and classical. His mind was investigating, deliberative, 
analyzing and firm. His habits were strictly moral; his disposition 
was benevolent, hospitable and kind. As a public speaker he was 
eloquent, persuasive, logical and sometimes sarcastic. With qualities 
like these, Mr. Hooper repaired to Wilmington, North Carolina, in 
1766, and commenced the practice of his profession. He was induced 
to locate there by several wealthy connexions residing in that place. 
He soon obtained a lucrative business; and to convince the people 



250 WILLIAM HOOPER. 

that he contemplated a permanent location among them, he married 
Miss Anna Clark, a lady of unusual accomplishments and strength 
of mind, and highly respectable in her character and connexions. 
She was the sister of General Thomas Clark. 

His legal fame rose rapidly and was built upon a substantial basis. 
About the year 1768, he was employed to conduct several important 
public trials, which he managed with such skill and address, as to 
place him among the ablest advocates of the province. He was treated 
with marked attention by Governors Tryon and Martin, and by chief 
justice Howard. 

These attentions from the king's officers arose, in a measure, from 
the superior talents and merit ot Mr. Hooper, but had also an ulterior 
object — that of gaining his influence in favour of the designs of their 
royal master. This could not be accomplished. He had received his 
legal education in Boston, where the designs of ministers had been 
probed for years. He had imbibed liberal principles and was a friend 
to equal rights. Upon the firm basis of eternal justice he had planted 
himself, from which flattery could not decoy him nor threatening 
dangers drive him. 

One peculiar circumstance may have caused a particular attach- 
ment for him on the part of the officers of government, that of having 
taken a bold stand against a class of desperadoes called regulators, 
who formed a dangerous association as early as 1766, in the interior of 
the province. They were composed principally of men who were 
ignorant, poor and savage, collected and led by men of more intelli- 
gence but of baser minds, who incited them to open rebellion by com- 
plaints against the civil authorities, and the promise of reward. They 
drove the judges from the bench and committed many personal out- 
rages. They even set the military at defiance, and threatened to 
assume the entire rule. At that alarming crisis, Mr. Hooper was one 
who came forward and dared to advise decisive measures. The number 
of the regulators had accumulated to three thousand. The plan of Mr. 
Hooper was carried into execution; a military force was raised, a 
severe battle ensued and the insurgents were dispersed. This occur- 
red in 1770. 

In 1773, Mr. Hooper was elected a member of the assembly of 
North Carolina, and discharged his duties so much to the satisfaction of 
his constituents, that they returned him the ensuing year. It was then 
that the creatures of the crown attempted to throw a ministerial coil of 
oppression around the people, and it was then that they found a bold, 
fearless, eloquent and uncompromising opponent in William Hooper. 
He not only met them in the legislative hall with incontrovertible 
arguments, but he spread their designs before the public far and wide, 
by a series of essays over the signature of Hampden. His course was 
in favour of liberal principles, but ruinous to his purse. The ques- 
tion before the assembly was the re-organization of the judiciary, 
which had become defunct by the expiration of the statute that 
created it. An attempt was made to model it in such a manner as 
to meet the designs of the British cabinet. So powerful was the in- 



WILLIAM HOOPER. 251 

fluence of Mr. Hooper/that he kept liis opponents at bay, and the pro- 
vince was a year without any courts. 

He was now fairly before the people, a champion for liberty. On 
the 25th of August, 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the Con- 
gress of Philadelphia. In that body he was placed on the important 
committee that prepared a statement of the rights of the colonies, the 
manner these rights had been infringed, and the most probable means 
of affecting their restoration. He was also one of the committee that 
reported the statutes that affected the trade and manufactures of the 
colonies. Upon the report of these two committees all the conclusive 
proceedings of that Congress were based, from which we may infer 
that the ablest and most active men were placed upon them. The 
ensuing year he was re-elected to the national assembly, and soon 
after he took his seat, he was appointed chairman of a committee to 
prepare an address to the people of Jamaica relative to British op- 
pression. It was written by him, and is in a style bold, vigorous and 
classical. The following extract is a fair sample. Speaking of the 
plan of action laid and pursued by the British ministry, he writes: 
"That our petitions have been treated with disdain, is now become 
the smallest part of our complaint. Ministerial insolence is lost in 
ministerial barbarity. It has, by an exertion peculiarly ingenious, 
procured those very measures which it laid us under the hard neces- 
sity of pursuing, to be stigmatised in parliament as rebellious. It has 
plunged us in all the horrors and calamities of civil war. It has 
caused the treasures and blood of Britain, formerly exhausted and 
shed for far other ends, to be spilt and wasted in the execrable de- 
sign of spreading slavery over British America. It will not, however, 
accomplished its aim; in the worst contingency a choice will still be 
left which it can never prevent us from taking." 

On the 12th of June, Mr. Hooper offered the following resolution in 
Congress, which demonstrates the position taken in the exordium of 
this sketch. 

* 'It is at all times an indispensable duty devoutly to acknowledge the 
superintending providence of the great governor of the world, especial- 
ly in times of impending danger and public calamity — to reverence and 
adore his immutable justice as well as to implore his merciful inter- 
position for our deliverance; therefore, 

"Resolved, that it is recommended by Congress that the people of 
the American colonies observe the twentieth day of July next as a 
day of public humiliation, fasting and prayer." 

The zeal and exertions of this patriot were of the most vigorous 
character. He served on numerous committees and was highly es- 
teemed by all the members. His constituents were so well satisfied 
with his course that he was returned a third time to the honourable 
post he had so ably filled. In the spring of 1776, he was a member of 
the conventions that convened at Hillsborough and Halifax, and was 
one of the leading and most eloquent speakers. He also prepared an 
address to the people of the British empire that was written with much 
nerve and energy. He then repaired to his place in Congress, 
and boldly supported the declaration of rights. He had long been 



252 WILLIAM HOOPER. 

convinced of its propriety, and when the thrilling moment arrived for 
the final decision he sanctioned it by his vote and signature. He was 
an unwavering friend to the cause he had espoused; patient, cheerful, 
persevering, prudent and firm under all circumstances. 

In February, 1777, he obtained leave of absence from Congress and 
returned to his family. When the news of the defeat of Washington 
at Germantown reached him at Wilmington, he was surrounded by a 
circle of his friends, who seemed dismayed at the intelligence. He 
rose calmly from his seat and remarked, with great animation and 
cheerfulness, "We have been disappointed! — but no matter — now 
that we have become the assailants there can be no doubt of the 
issue." 

Before his return his property had suffered from royal vengeance; 
his personal safety now became endangered and he was compelled to 
fly into the interior for safety. His family had removed several times. 
He made arrangements, in the event of the subjugation of the colonies 
by the British, to remove to one of the French West India Islands, 
where, it is said, all the signers, with the French minister, would have 
went, had not the independence of the states been sustained. He 
did not return to Wilmington until it was evacuated in 1781, during 
which time his family was there, exposed to the insults of the enemy. 
He appears not to have returned to Congress again, but mingled with 
the people, rousing them to a sense of their duty, and was an active 
member of the state councils. In 1782 he removed to Hillsborough, 
and endeavoured to restore his long neglected private affairs to order. 
In 1786, he was appointed by Congress a judge of the court organized 
to settle the controversy between New York and Massachusetts rela- 
tive to disputed territory, a delicate and important duty, from which 
he was relieved by an amicable settlement by the litigants before the 
court proceeded to act in the premises. 

Mr. Hooper continued to take a conspicuous part in the legislation 
of North Carolina, and also pursued the practice of his profession until 
1787, when his health began to decline and he retired from public life 
and from the bar, to enjoy that repose in domestic felicity which had 
always been more congenial to his mind than public stations, however 
lofty. In his retirement he carried with him the esteem of his fellow 
citizens and the gratitude of a nation of freemen. Not a blemish 
could be found to tarnish the fair fame of his public career or private 
reputation. He had served his country faithfully and discharged the 
duties of friend, citizen, lawyer, patriot, husband and father, with 
fidelity. From the elevated eminence of conscious integrity he looked 
back upon his past life — with the eyes of faith he looked forward to a 
crown of unfading glory, and in October 1790, closed his eyes in 
death and resigned his soul to that God whom to fear is the beginning 
of wisdom. 



253 



THOMAS NELSON. 

Honesty is a virtue that commands universal respect. This term, 
like many others, has lost much of its original force and is too promis- 
cuously used. When Pope proclaimed an honest man the noblest 
work of God, he included purpose, word and action in all things, under 
all circumstances and at all times. He alluded to a man whose purity 
of heart placed him above every temptation to violate the original laws 
of integrity which emanated from the High Chancery of Heaven. His 
imagination pictured a man whose every action through his whole life 
should pass the moral scrutiny of omniscience unscathed, and stand 
approved at the dread tribunal of the great Jehovah. Such a man is 
a noble work indeed, worthy of the highest admiration and closest imi- 
tation. 

The signers of the declaration of independence were remarkable 
for integrity, and none of them more so than Thomas Nelson, who 
was born at York, Virginia, on the 26th of December, 1738. He was 
the son of William Nelson, whose father was a native of England and 
settled in York at an early period. The father of Thomas was an 
enterprising and successful merchant, and eventually became also a 
wealthy planter. He filled many public stations with great ability, 
and during the interval between the administration of Lord Bottetourt 
and Lord Dunmore, presided over the colony ex officio, being then 
president of the executive council. 

At the age of fourteen years Thomas Nelson was placed under the 
instruction of Mr. Newcomb, whose school was near Hackney, Eng- 
land. When his preparatory studies were completed he was placed 
at Cambridge and entered of Trinity College, under the tuition of Dr. 
Beilby Porteus, who was one of the brightest literary ornaments of his 
age and ultimately became the bishop of London. Guided by the 
master-hand of this finished scholar, accomplished gentleman and 
pious man, Mr. Nelson traced the fair lines of science and explored 
the avenues of literature. The principles of virtue and integrity were 
also deeply impressed upon his mind and governed his actions through 
life. After spending eight years at the classic fountain in England, 
he returned to Virginia, highly polished in mind and person. He enter- 
ed into the enjoyment of a large landed estate, and over one hundred 
and thirty thousand dollars in cash. In August, 1762, he led to the 
hymeneal altar Miss Lucy, daughter of Philip Grymes, of Brandon, 
and settled permanently at his native place. His house became the 
seat of hospitality and domestic felicity. He assimilated his style of 
life, in some respects, to that of an English nobleman when at his 
country seat. He rode almost daily to his plantation, a few miles 



254 THOMAS NELSON. 

from York, and amused himself with his gun. He also kept a pack 
of hounds and in the winter often joined in the thrilling and blood - 
stirring sport of the fox-chase. No respectable stranger could visit 
the town without receiving an urgent invitation to partake of his hospi- 
tality. In this manner his time passed smoothly along until the pub- 
lic demanded his services. 

For a long time a particular intimacy existed between the leading 
men of Virginia and those of England. This arose from consanguinity 
and wealth and was kept alive for a century by an interchange of good 
feelings and offices. The sons of the wealthy men of the Old Domi- 
nion were uniformly educated in Great Britain, and imbibed the same 
feelings of independence manifested by the noblemen of the mother 
country, and felt themselves, very properly, entitled to as much con- 
fidence from the" king as a native and resident of Albion. Hence, 
when the car of oppression was mounted by the British ministry, the 
noblest sons of Virginia were the most vigorous opposers of royal 
power. They at once acted in concert with the patriots of New Eng- 
land and treated the insults ottered at Boston as though they had been 
personally directed to them. The very fact of former intimacy made 
this opposition more bitter and pointed. 

In 1774, Mr. Nelson was elected to the house of burgesses and took 
a bold stand in favour of liberal principles. He was one of the eighty- 
nine members who assembled at a tavern the day after Lord Dunmore 
dissolved the house and formed themselves into an association of non- 
intercourse with Great Britain. At the next election he was again 
returned to the house of burgesses. He was a member of the conven- 
tion, held on the first of August of that year, to elect delegates to Con- 
gress, and of the one. convened in March, 1775, for this and other pur- 
poses. He supported the boldest measures that were proposed by the 
daring Patrick Henry, from which many of the patriots at first recoiled 
with amazement. He had no ear for the syren song of peace when 
the shores of his country were darkened by foreign fleets and armies. 
From the following resolutions introduced in the last named conven- 
tion by Patrick Henry, the reader can form an idea of the feelings 
that pervaded the minds of the leading patriots at that early period. 
One of the germs of our militia system will also be perceived. 

"Resolved, that a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and 
yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free govern- 
ment; that such a militia in this colony would for ever render it un- 
necessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose 
of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always sub- 
versive of the quiet and dangerous to the liberties of the people, and 
would obviate the pretext of taxing for their support. 

"That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly 
necessary by the state of our laws, some of which have already expired 
and others will shortly be so — and that the known remissness of gov- 
ernment in calling us together in legislative capacity renders it too 
insecure, in this time of danger and distress, to rely that opportunity 
will be given of renewing them in general assembly, or making any 



THOMAS NELSON. 255 

provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those 
further violations with which they are threatened. 

"Resolved, therefore, that this colony be immediately put in a state 
of defence, and that be a committee to prepare a plan for em- 
bodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men as may be 
sufficient for that purpose." 

These resolutions were warmly supported by Mr. Nelson, whose 
property was exposed to the utmost danger in case of an open rupture 
with the royal authorities. The measure proposed was carried into 
effect, and from that time opposition to the pretensions of the crown 
assumed a bold front in Virginia. This convention assembled again 
in July, and divided the colony into sixteen military districts, the 
eastern district to raise forthwith a regiment of six hundred and eighty 
men, rank and file, and each of the others to raise a battalion of five 
hundred, to be at once armed and held in readiness to march at any 
moment. The convention also directed the raising of two regiments 
of regulars of one thousand and twenty privates, and appointed 
Patrick Henry to command the first and Mr. Nelson to command 
the second. Thus Virginia assumed a determined and systematic 
attitude of defence at an early period. 

On the 11th of August this convention met again and elected Mr. 
Nelson a delegate to the Continental Congress, in which he took his 
seat on the 13th of September following. Possessed of a strong mind 
and sound judgment, he became a useful member of committees, but 
seldom took part in debate. By the following letter from him to 
Governor Page, it seems he was one of those who agitated the ques- 
tion of independence as early as the 22nd of January, 1776. "I 
wish I knew the sentiments of our people upon the grand points of 
confederation and foreign alliance, or, in other words, of indepen- 
dence — for we cannot expect to form a connexion with any foreign 
power as long as we have a womanish hankering after Great Britain — 
and, to be sure, there is not in nature a greater absurdity than to sup- 
pose we can have any affection for a people who are carrying on the 
most savage war against us." On the 1 3th of February, he writes to 
the same gentleman again, as follows: "Independence, confederation 
and foreign alliance are as formidable to some members of Congress, 
I fear a majority, as an apparition to a weak enervated woman. 
Would you think we have some among us who still expect honourable 
proposals from the administration! By heavens — I am an infidel in 
politics, for I do not believe were you to bid a thousand pounds per 
scruple for honour at the court of Great Britain, that you would get 
as many as would amount to an ounce. We are now carrying on a 
war and no war. They seize our property wherever they find it, 
either by land or sea, and we hesitate to retaliate because we have a 
few friends in England who have ships. Away with such squeamish- 
ness, say I." 

By this language we can judge of the ardent feelings that actuated 
this friend of equal rights. It was the pure fire of patriotism, fanned 
by a just indignation against a tyrannical and insolent foe. It was a 
fire that reflected a powerful heat upon those around it, and gathered 



256 THOMAS NELSON. 

fresh vigour daily. Like separate parcels of metal in a crucible, one 
member after another yielded to its power, until all were united in 
one liquid mass, and, on the fourth of July, 1776, the mould of liberty 
was fdled, which, when opened to the gaze of the world, presented a 
new and purely original table of law and government, enriched by 
the embossment of freedom and equal rights. On this fair tablet, 
more beautiful than mosaic-work, Mr. Nelson engraved his name in 
bold relievo. Here we might leave him, with glory enough for one 
man. But he had then just entered the portico of his useful career. 
He embarked heart and soul in the cause, and became one of the 
most industrious members of various committees that was in Congress. 
In forming the articles of confederation he was particularly active. 
The ensuing year he again took his seat in the national assembly, but 
was compelled to retire in May, soon after the commencement of the 
session, in consequence of a severe attack of disease in his head, 
which, for a time, threatened to impair his mental powers. He was 
obliged to return home, and for a short period refrain from business. 
His place was supplied by Mr. Mason. 

In August following, the appearance of a British fleet that entered 
the capes caused a general rally of the military force of Virginia. 
Mr. Nelson, who had regained his health, was commissioned by the 
governor and council brigadier-general and commander-in-chief of 
the military forces of the state. The appointment was popular — the 
incumbent was competent. His appearance among them inspired 
confidence in the people. The troops rallied around him like affec- 
tionate children around a fond parent. The fleet, however, did not 
deign to give them a call at that time, and the soldiers again became 
citizens. 

In October, General Nelson took his seat in the legislature of his 
state, and acted a conspicuous part in its deliberations. During the 
session a bill was brought before the house sequestrating British pro- 
perty, and authorizing those of the colonists who were indebted to 
subjects of Great Britain to pay the amount into the public treasury; 
and if the wives and children of such subjects remained in the state, 
portions of the said money, under the direction of the governor and 
council, were to be appropriated to their support. With all the 
ardour and vehemence of feeling that pervaded the bosom of Mr. 
Nelson against the mother country, his honesty and justice impelled 
him to oppose this bill as violating the sacredness of individual con- 
tracts. He became roused, and made an able and eloquent address 
against the proposed measure, and closed in the following emphatic 
language: — "For these reasons I hope the bill will be rejected; but 
whatever be its fate, so help me God, I will pay my debts like an 
honest man." 

On the second of March, 1778, Congress made an appeal to the 
patriotism of the wealthy young men of the several colonies, urging 
them to raise a troop of light cavalry at their own expense. Nor was 
the appeal in vain. As soon as the proposed plan of Congress was 
received in Virginia, General Nelson sent a circular to all the young 
gentlemen of fortune in the state, recommending them not only to 



THOMAS NELSON. 257 

come to the rescue themselves, but to open their purses to other high 
minded and respectable young men, whose hearts were noble but 
whose means were limited. A company of seventy was speedily 
raised in Virginia, and elected general Nelson their commander. 
He proceeded with his new charge to Baltimore and reported his 
youthful band to the brave Pulaski, who received this accession of 
volunteers with delight and admiration. From that place the com- 
pany proceeded to Philadelphia, where the general and his men 
received the praise and thanks of Congress; and as their services were 
not wanted at that time, they were permitted to return to their homes. 
The expenses of the company during their absence were principally 
borne by General Nelson without any subsequent remuneration; and 
for his own services in the field during the war he refused to receive 
any pay; and, in addition to this, he expended a great portion of his 
fortune in the cause of his country. 

On the 18th of February, 1779, General Nelson again took his seat 
in Congress, and was immediately placed on several important com- 
mittees. His severe labour caused a second attack similar to the 
former, and in April he was compelled to return home. 

It was in May of that year that the British made a descent upon 
Virginia, and spread destruction far and wide. Exercise soon re- 
stored the health of General Nelson and he at once took the field. 
He assembled a body of troops near Yorktown, but the enemy chose 
not to interfere with him at that time. During that short campaign 
he took a parental care of the soldiers by providing for their wants 
from his own funds. He distributed his labourers and servants among 
the poor families of the militia from his neighbourhood to labour dur- 
ing the absence of the men. He was as benevolent as he was patriotic 
and brave. 

In June, 1780, the general assembly of Virginia passed a resolution 
to borrow two millions of dollars for the purpose of defraying the 
expenses of the war. General Nelson entered into the collection of 
this money with great zeal. Public credit was prostrated and govern- 
ment paper was no longer considered security. Like Robert Morris, 
he at once pledged his own fortune and raised large sums upon his 
own credit, for which he was but in part remunerated by government. 

In the spring of 1781, Virginia was again the scene of murder, 
rapine, and wide spread ruin. Judas, alias Arnold, and Lord Corn- 
wallis were sweeping over the land like a tornado. General Nelson 
was constantly in the field, doing all in his power to arrest the bold 
and savage career of the invading foe. He became the hero of the 
Old Dominion. In June he was elected governor of the state. He 
immediately entered upon the discharge of this dignified station, and 
bent his whole energies in raising troops to resist the enemy. 

About that time Lafayette arrived with a body of regulars. Go- 
vernor Nelson joined him in the field, and, yielding his rank, placed 
himself and the militia under the command of the marquis. Every 
thing within his power he grasped to aid his bleeding country. He 
placed even his draught horses and negroes in the public service. 

In the midst of these distresses a circumstance occurred that was 
33 



258 THOMAS NELSON. 

exceedingly trying to his mind. By the constitution, the governor 
acted only in concert with the council. Two of that body had fallen 
into the hands of Tarleton, and two had resigned. It was impossible 
to raise a quorum for business. The awful crisis demanded imme- 
diate and decisive action. In this dilemma he transcended the exist- 
ing law, and proceeded to act as though the council was with him. 

At a subsequent period this was made the foundation of a complaint 
against him, after he retired to private life and was sinking under 
disease, which was forever put at rest by the legislature, by the pass- 
age of laws sanctioning his every public act during that campaign. 
Ingratitude is the prime minister of hell, and revenge its secretary. 

At length Lord Cornwallis found himself snugly ensconced in 
Yorktown. A dark cloud gathered over his military fame. Awful 
forebodings haunted his blood-stained soul. Retributive justice pierced 
his conscience with a thousand stings. The cries of widows and 
orphans, the curling flames of hospitable mansions, the sweeping 
destruction of villages and towns, and the dying groans of innocent 
victims, the bitter fruits of his tyranny, preyed upon his imagination 
like a promethean vulture. The die was cast. The siege was com- 
menced. At the head of the Virginia troops was General Nelson — 
cool, brave, fearless and vigorous. His native town, his own domicile 
and property, were now to be razed. At first he observed that the 
American batteries carefully avoided the direction of his house. The 
principal British officers, anticipating this, had made it their rendez- 
vous. On hearing that it was out of respect to him, he directed the 
gunners to point their guns at once at his mansion. The first dis- 
charge sent a shot through it and killed two of the officers, a number 
of whom were enjoying the comforts of a good dinner. They soon 
left this retreat for safer quarters. 

The following extract from the general orders of the illustrious 
Washington, of the 20th of October, 1781, will best inform the reader 
how highly the services of Governor Nelson were prized at that 
memorable siege that crushed the power of Great Britain in America. 

"The general would be guilty of the highest ingratitude, a crime 
of which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his 
sincere acknowledgements to his excellency Governor Nelson for the 
succours which he received from him and the militia under his com- 
mand, to whose activity, emulation and bravery, the highest praises 
are due. The magnitude of the acquisition will be ample compen- 
sation for the difficulties and dangers which they met with so much 
firmness and patriotism." 

The fatigues of this campaign and his arduous gubernatorial duties 
proved too much for the physical powers of Governor Nelson. He 
again sunk under disease, and on the 20th of November, 1781, he re- 
signed his station and retired to private life. He spent the remainder 
of his days principally on a small estate he had saved from the wreck 
of his large fortune, situated at Offly, in the county of Hanover. His 
health continued to decline, and on the fourth of January, 1789, he 
was numbered with the dead. 

His obituary, written by his bosom friend, Colonel Innes, fully por- 



THOMAS NELSON. 



259 



trays the character of this devoted patriot and deserves a place in this 
memoir. 

The illustrious general Thomas Nelson, is no more! He paid the 
last debt to nature on Sunday, the fourth of the present month, at his 
estate in Hanover. He who undertakes barely to recite the exalted 
virtues which adorned the life of this great and good man, will un- 
avoidably pronounce a panegyric upon human nature. As a man, a 
citizen, a legislator and a patriot, he exhibited a conduct untarnished 
and undebased by sordid or selfish interests, and strongly marked 
with the genuine characteristics of true religion, sound benevolence 
and liberal policy. Entertaining the most ardent love for civil and re- 
ligious liberty, he was among the first of that glorious band of patriots 
whose exertions dashed and defeated the machinations of British 
tyranny and gave to United America freedom and independent em- 
pire. At a most important crisis during the late struggle for American 
liberty, when this state appeared to be designated as the theatre of action 
for the contending armies, he was selected by the unanimous suffrage 
of the legislature to command the virtuous yeomanry of his country. 
In this honourable employment he remained until the end of the war. 
As a soldier, he was indefatigably active and coolly intrepid. Reso- 
lute and undejected in misfortunes, he towered above distress and 
struggled with the manifold difficulties to which his situation exposed 
him with constancy and courage. In the memorable year of 1781, 
when the whole force of the southern British army was directed to the 
immediate subjugation of this state, he was called to the helm of go- 
vernment. This was a juncture which indeed "tried men's souls.'* 
He did not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the rear of 
danger, but, on the contrary, took the field at the head of his country- 
men, and, at the hazard of his life, his fame and individual fortune, 
by his decision and magnanimity, he saved not only his country, but 
all America from disgrace, if not from total ruin. Of this truly patri- 
otic and heroic conduct, the renowned commander-in-chief, with all 
the gallant officers of the combined armies employed at the sie°e of 
York, will bear ample testimony. This part of his 'conduct even con- 
temporary jealousy, envy and malignity were forced to approve — and 
this, more impartial posterity, if it can believe, will almost adore. If, 
after contemplating the splendid and heroic parts of his character, we 
shall inquire for the milder virtues of humanity and seek for the man, 
we shall find the refined, beneficent and social qualities of private life, 
through all its forms and combinations, so happily modified and united 
in him, that in the words of the darling poet of nature, it may be said, 

"His life was gentle, and the elements 

So mixed in him, that nature might stand up 

And say to all the world— this is a man" 



260 



JAMES SMITH. 

Many men, like apes, are mere imitative beings in their manner of 
action. They forsake the path designed for them by their Creator, 
and strive to assimilate their mechanical movements to some noble 
personage of a higher order by nature than themselves, and thus ape 
their way through the world. I refer particularly to public speakers. 
Some young men of respectable native talent and good acquirements, 
when they mount the rostrum, instead of acting perfectly natural, en- 
deavour to imitate some orator of notoriety, and thereby render them- 
selves ridiculous. Originality is the beauty of forensic or any other 
kind of eloquence. Like a piece of marble under the hands of the 
statuary, a more systematic form may be imparted by art, but its ori- 
ginal composition, like that, is most beautiful unpainted. Originality 
must form the base, or the superstructure can never be truly beautiful. 
No human ingenuity can remould the work of nature and retain the 
strength of the grand original. We should imitate the virtues and 
wisdom of great and good men — our manner should be peculiarly our 
own — and still further — our language and style of writing should be 
original to render it forcible and interesting. Affectation in any thing 
is disgusting to sensible men, and a discerning man readily detects a 
counterfeit. 

A fine picture of originality and pleasing eccentricity was exhibited 
by James Smith, one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. He was a native of Ireland and came to this country with 
his father when quite young. The precise time of his birth is not 
known. According to the only record known of his age — the inscrip- 
tion on his tomb, he was born in 1713. His father was a respectable 
farmer and settled on the west side of the Susquehanna river nearly 
opposite to Columbia. James was educated under Dr. Allison. He 
acquired a good classical education, and retained a peculiar taste for 
authors of antiquity through life. He was very partial to mathe- 
matics, and became an expert surveyor. After finishing his course 
under Dr. Allison he commenced the study of law in Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania, some say with Thomas Cookson, but more probably 
with his elder brother who was then practising at that town. When 
admitted to the bar he located himself on the frontiers of civilization 
near the present site of Shippensburg, in Cumberland county, blend- 
ing the practice of law and surveying. In that section of the country 
the two professions were then very properly and profitably united. 
Large tracts of valuable land were held under hasty and inaccurate 
surveys, and many others were only located by mere chamber calcu- 
lations upon paper. Litigation was the natural consequence, and no 



JAMES SMITH. 2C1 

witnesses told the truth more accurately than the compass of Mr. 
Smith and the demonstration of his protractor. Possessed of a pene- 
trating mind, he looked into future prospects and secured much valu- 
able land and had full employment in his professional business. He 
soon found himself on the flood tide of prosperity. Not willing to 
sail alone, he took for his mate, Miss Eleanor Armor, of Newcastle, 
who superintended his cabin stores with great skill and prudence. 
In every thing he was purely original. With a strong mind, an open 
and honest heart, a benevolent and manly disposition, he united 
great conviviality and amusing drollery, yet so discreet as not to 
oftend the most modest ear. He delighted in seeing the contortions 
of the risible muscles, which were uniformly in motion in all proper 
circles when James Smith was present. Whenever he came in con- 
tact with a pedant he would propound some ridiculous question with 
the utmost gravity, such as the following, "Don't you remember that 
terrible bloody battle which Alexander the Great fought with the 
Russians near the straits of Babelmandel? I think you will find the 
account in Thucydides or Herodotus." 

His memory was retentive and stored with numerous anecdotes, 
which he used in court either to annoy his opponent and help his 
case, or in company to amuse his friends. No one could tell a story 
with more effect than Mr. Smith. His manner was original and be- 
yond imitation. With all his wit and humour, he held religion in 
the greatest reverence, and was a communicant of the church. No 
one that knew him dare utter a word against it in his presence, know- 
ing that the lash of the keenest ridicule would at once be applied by 
him. Such a .mixture of qualities are rarely blended in one man. 
From the deep toned logic and the profoundest thought up to the ec- 
centric ridiculous, all balanced by the happy equilibrium of discre- 
tion, his mind ranged with the rapidity of lightning, using each at the 
most .appropriate time and place. His manner, his style, and his 
every thing, from the most trivial circumstance to the momentous 
concerns of the nation in which he participated, were purely original. 

Of the affairs of his country Mr. Smith was not an idle spectator. No 
man delights in liberty and independence more than an Irishman, and 
no nation is more sensitive of its rights than "sweet Ireland." When 
British oppression showed its hydra head to the colonists, although 
advanced in age, James Smith took a terrible dislike to the beast and 
was for making fight unless it withdrew its visible deformity forth- 
with. His heart beat high for his adopted country, and he at once 
came boldly forward in its defence. At that time he was a resident 
of York and extensively engaged in iron works as well as in profes- 
sional business, having become a very distinguished lawyer. He had 
never consented to fill public stations, and nothing but the purest pa- 
triotism and the importance of the threatened crisis, could have induc- 
ed him to enter the public arena. In the language of Josiah Quincy, 
he had become convinced that — "We must be grossly ignorant of the 
importance and value of the priz.e for which we contend — we must be 
equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us 
— we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge, 



262 JAMES SMITH. 

which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our 
bosoms, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharp- 
est — sharpest conflicts; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popu- 
lar harangues, popular acclamations and popular vapour will van- 
quish our foes. Let us consider the issue — let us look to the end." 

Mr. Smith was a man that looked at both the beginning and the 
end. He was a man who examined closely causes, effects, and re- 
sults. He also understood human nature and knew well the disposi- 
tion of the colonists. He was convinced the bone and sinew of the 
land would never yield to the tyranny of mother Britain without a 
"sharp conflict." For that conflict he was prepared. 

The first step taken in Pennsylvania relative to the existing oppres- 
sions, was the assembling of a convention of delegates from each 
county, in order to ascertain the feelings of the people generally rela- 
tive to the course proposed by the patriots of New England, where 
the revolutionary storm had already commenced its precursory drop- 
pings. Of this convention Mr. Smith was a delegate, and was one of 
the committee that prepared the instructions to the members of the 
next general assembly of the province, recommending, among other 
things, the appointment of delegates to the general Congress to be 
convened at Philadelphia, with instructions from which the following 
is an extract, sufficient to inform the reader of the grievances most 
particularly complained of at that early period. 

"We desire of you therefore — that the deputies you appoint may 
be instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves at the ensuing 
Congress to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all the 
powers under the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch. 2nd — 
of all powers of internal legislation — of imposing taxes or duties inter- 
nal or external and of regulating trade, except with respect to any new 
articles of commerce which the colonies may hereafter raise, as silk, 
wine, &c, reserving a right to carry them from one colony to another 
— a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies or sub- 
jecting them to any expense on account of such troops — of all sta- 
tutes imposing duties to be paid in the colonies, that were passed at the 
accession of his present majesty, or before this time, which ever period 
shall be judged most advisable — of the statutes giving the courts of 
admiralty in the colonies greater power than the courts of admi- 
ralty have in England — of the statutes of the 5th of George the Se- 
cond, ch. 22nd, and of the 23d of George the Second, ch. 29th — of the 
statute for shutting up the port of Boston — and of every other statute 
particularly affecting the province of Massachusetts bay, passed in the 
last session of parliament. If all the terms above mentioned cannot 
be obtained, it is our opinion that the measures adopted by the Con- 
gress for our relief, should never be relinquished or intermitted, until 
those relating to the troops — internal legislation — imposition of taxes 
or duties hereafter — the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch. 2nd, — the ex- 
tension of admiralty courts — the port of Boston and the province of 
Massachusetts bay are obtained. Every modification, or qualification 
of these points, in our judgment should be inadmissible." 

By the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch. 2nd, a citizen 



JAMES SMITH. 263 

of America was liable to be arrested and carried to England to be 
tried, when accused of high crimes. By the 5th of George the Second, 
ch. 23d, the colonists were prohibited from exporting hats, and hatters 
were even limited as to the number of apprentices they should keep 
to learn this trade; in order, as the statute declares, "that hatting, 
may be better encouraged in Great Britain." The other acts referred 
to infringements of sundry local arrangements of the colonies equally 
obnoxious with the above; and when the final list of grievances was 
completed at a subsequent time, many statutes under George the 
Third were complained of as violating the constitution of England 
and the charters predicated upon it, which had grown sacred by long 
and acknowledged usage, by learned and legal construction, and by 
numerous declaratory acts of the British parliament, passed when sit- 
ting under the mantle of reason, equity, justice and sound policy. 

By these instructions, directly from the people, we can judge of 
the feeling that pervaded the great mass of the yeomanry at that time; 
and by referring to the instructions given to the delegates appointed 
by the assembly of the province to Congress, it will be seen that royal 
influence still pervaded that body, as they contain scarcely a definite 
feature or point similar to those from the primary convention of the 
people.* 

So fully convinced was Mr. Smith of the issue between the colonies 
and mother Britain, that on his return home he immediately raised a 
company of volunteers, and was elected its captain by acclamation. 
This was the pioneer company of Pennsylvania, raised for the purpose 
of resisting tyranny. This company was organized about nine months 
before the bloody affair at Lexington; showing deep penetration and 
sagacious foresight in its original. He introduced thorough discipline 
in the corps, and imparted to its members the same holy fire of 
patriotism that was illuminating his own soul. Around this military 
nucleus accumulating force continued to increase, until it formed a 
regiment. Mr. Smith accepted the honorary title of its colonel, but 
imposed the actual commanding duties upon a younger man. He 
had given a momentum to the ball, and was gratified to see it rolling 
onward towards the temple of liberty with an increased impetus. 

Mr. Smith was a member of the next convention that convened in 
January, 1775, at Philadelphia. He was among the foremost to oppose 
force to force, and peril life for freedom. He was then called an 
ultra whig, and considered as treating the government of his majesty 
with disrespect. His patriotism had carried him six months in ad- 
vance of most of the leading men, and no one could outstrip him in 
zeal for the cause of equal rights. His course was onward — right 
onward to action. For this the time soon arrived. During the year 
1775 he took a conspicuous part in public measures, and in the spring 
of the ensuing year was appointed upon a committee, with Dr. Rush 
and Colonel Bayard, to organize a camp of four thousand five hun- 
dred troops, to be raised in Pennsylvania. No man was better calcu- 
lated to render efficient aid in this important business. The committee 

* See them at large in the biography of George Ross. 



264 * JAMES SMITH. 

immediately prepared, and, under the sanction of Congress, published 
an address to the volunteer and yeomen military of Pennsylvania, 
urging them to rally under the standard of liberty. In order that the 
reader may have a sample of every kind of proceeding and address 
that characterized the revolution that gave to us freedom, I insert an 
extract from this. 

"We need not remind you that you are now furnished with new 
motives to animate and support your courage. You are not about to 
contend against the power of Great Britain in order to displace one 
set of villains to make room for another. Your arms will not be 
enervated in the day of battle with the reflection that you are to risk 
your lives or shed your blood for a British tyrant, or that your pos- 
terity will have your work to do over again. You are about to contend 
for permanent freedom, 'to be supported by a government which will 
be derived from yourselves, and which will have for its object, not 
the emolument of one man or class of men only, but the safety, liberty 
and happiness of every individual in the community. We call upon 
you, therefore, by the respect and obedience which are due to the 
authority of the united colonies, to concur in this important measure. 
The present campaign will probably decide the fate of America. It 
is now in your power to immortalize your names by mingling your 
achievements with the events of the year 1776 — a year which, we 
hope, will be famed in the annals of history to the end of time, for 
establishing, on a lasting foundation, the liberties of one quarter of 
the globe. Remember the honour of our colony is at stake. Should 
you desert the common cause at the present juncture, the glory you 
have acquired by your former exertions of strength and virtue will 
be tarnished ; and our friends and brethren, who are nbw acquiring 
laurels in the most remote parts of America, will reproach us, and 
blush to own themselves natives or inhabitants of Pennsylvania. But 
there are other motives before you. Your houses, your fields, the 
legacies of your ancestors, or the dear bought fruits of your own 
industry and your liberty, now urge you to the field. These cannot 
plead with you in vain, or we might point out to you further — your 
wives, your children, your aged fathers and mothers, who now look 
up to you for aid, and hope for salvation in this day of calamity only 
from the instrumentality of your swords." 

This appeal had a most powerful and salutary effect, and met with 
a response from the people that drove the royal power from Pennsyl- 
vania like chaff before the wind. Simultaneous with the preparation 
of the declaration of independence in Congress, delegates were elected 
to raise the arch of a republican constitution and government over 
the keystone state. The members of the convention for this purpose 
convened on the 15th of July, and in the declaration of rights just 
promulged from Congress Hall, had a polar star to guide them — a 
master piece for a pattern to direct them. 

In this convention Mr. Smith took his seat, and was immediately 
placed upon the committee appointed to prepare a declaration of rights. 
His ultraism had become an admired quality, and assumed the bap- 
tismal name of patriotism. His worth and zeal were now duly appre- 



JAMES SMITH. 265 

ciated, and he became one of the most influential men in his state. 
On the 20th of July he was called to higher duties than those of the 
convention, by his appointment to the ContinentalCongress. This 
was as unexpected to him as it was pleasing to his friends. He 
immediately enrolled his name with the apostles of liberty upon the 
chart of freemen. Anxious to see the foundations of the new govern- 
ment ftrmly laid in Pennsylvania, he continued his services in the 
convention until the constitution assumed a visible form. He was 
one of the committee that remodelled the penal code. He was as 
humane in his feelings as he was ardent in the cause of his country. 
Justice and mercy were blended in his heart. 

Early in October he assumed fully his congressional duties. The 
first part of the instructions to the delegation of the keystone state 
is worthy of particular notice; and if general obedience could be en- 
forced, would be quite apropos at the present day. It is as follows: 

"The immense and irreparable injury which a free country may 
sustain by, and the great inconveniences which always arise from a 
delay of its councils, induce us, in the first place, strictly to enjoin 
and require you to give not only a constant, but a punctual attendance 
in Congress." 

At the commencement of our free government, the will of the 
people was respected and obeyed. Their public servants were not 
then their political masters. Committee rooms were not then diverted 
from their proper use by partisan caucuses. The halls of legislation 
were not then the forum of personal recrimination and unparliamentary 
procedure. The mantle of infantile purity was then spread over 
those in high stations. Pro bono publico was the order of the day — 
pro libertate patriae was the motto of each freeman. 

Mr. Smith obeyed his instructions to the letter. He entered heart 
and soul into the labours of the house and committee room. A dark 
gloom was at that time spread over the cause of liberty, and many of 
its warmest friends considered success a paradox. At such a time 
the sprightliness and drollery of Mr. Smith was a powerful antidote 
against despondency. Always cheerful and elastic, always seasoning 
his conversation and speeches in the forum with original wit and 
humour, he imparted convivial life to those around him. Amidst the 
waves of misfortune and the breakers of disappointment, he floated like 
a buoy on the ocean, above them all. The following letter written to 
his wife, when General Howe was bending his triumphant course 
towards Philadelphia, from which place Congress was soon after com- 
pelled to retreat before him, shows that no hyppish feelings pervaded 
his imagination. 

"If Mr. Wilson should come through York, give him a flogging — he 
should have been here a week ago. I expect, however, to come home 
before election — my three months are nearly up. General left this on 
Thursday — I wrote to you by Colonel Kennedy. 

"This morning I put on the red jacket under my shirt. Yesterday 
I dined at Mr. Morris's, and got wet going home and my shoulder got 
troublesome — but by running a hot smoothing iron over it three times, 
34 



266 



JAMES SMITH. 



it got better. This is a new and cheap cure. My respects to all 
friends and neighbours — my love to the children. 

I am your loving husband, whilst 

"James Smith. 
"Congress Chamber, 11 o'c/ocA:." 

On the 23d of November, he was on the committee with Messrs. 
Clymer, Chase, and Stockton, appointed to devise means for rein- 
forcing the American army, and for arresting the victorious and de- 
structive career of Generaf Howe. The powers of this committee were 
soon after very properly transferred to Washington. Mr. Smith was 
also on the committee that laid before Congress the testimony of 
the inhuman treatment of the British towards the American prisoners 
at New York. 

Having suffered severe losses by being absent from his private busi- 
ness, he declined a re-election to Congress for the ensuing year, but 
was made to understand by his constituents that he was public pro- 
perty and must be used. He was continued at his post and abated 
none of his zeal. So devoted was he in the service of his country, 
that when Congress was compelled to fly to York, his place of resi- 
dence, he closed his office against his clients and gave it up to the 
board of war. He sacrificed every private consideration that he be- 
lieved would promote the public good. 

In November, 1778, he resigned his seat in Congress, and once 
more enjoyed for a season the comforts of retirement. He deemed 
his advanced age an ample excuse, after he was convinced that the 
independence of his country was rendered doubly sure by the French 
alliance. 

In 1780, Mr. Smith was induced to take a seat in the legislature of 
his state. He entered upon his duties with the same activity that 
had characterized his whole public career. After completing his 
term of service he retired finally from political life. He continued to 
pursue his professional business with great success and profit, until 
1800, having been an active member of the bar for sixty years. His 
eccentricity, wit and humour, retained their originality to the last 
years of his existence. He was a great admirer of the illustrious 
Washington. A castigation from his ironical tongue, was the sure 
consequence to any one, at any time or place, who spoke against 
religion or Washington, two points upon which he was extremely 
sensitive. The former he adored, the latter he revered. He corre- 
sponded regularly with Franklin, Samuel Adams, and several others 
of the patriarch patriots, and had preserved a valuable cabinet of 
letters from those apostles of liberty, which was destroyed by fire, with 
his office and its contents, about a year before his death. Surrounded 
by an affectionate family and a large circle of ardent and admiring 
friends, this happy son of Erin glided smoothly down the stream of life 
until the eleventh day of July, 1806, when his frail bark was anchored 
in the bay of death, and his immortal spirit was transferred to the 
realms of glory. 

In life he had lived usefully and esteemed; in his exit from earth 



JOSEPH HEWES. 267 

he left a blank not readily filled. His public and private reputation 
were untarnished and unsullied. He had contributed much towards the 
freedom of his country? he was the life of every circle in which he 
moved. Ennui could not live in his presence. He was warm hearted, 
kind, and affectionate, and a friend to the poor. He never entertained 
malice, but used his enemies very much as a playful kitten does a 
mouse — teasing without a desire to hurt them — a propensity that 
rendered him more formidable than a knight of the sword and pistols. 
Such pure originals as James Smith are like the inimitable paintings 
of the ancient artists — few in market and difficult to be copied. 



JOSEPH HEWES. 

The cardinal virtue of charity, like the patriotism of '76, is more 
frequently professed than practised. It is placed at the head of all 
the christian virtues by St. Paul, one of the ablest divines that ever 
graced a pulpit or wielded a pen. Charity is a child of heaven — the 
substratum of philanthropy, the brightest star in the christian's diadem 
—the connecting link between man and his Creator — the golden chain 
that reaches from earth to mansions of bliss. It spurns from its pre- 
sence the scrofula of green-eyed jealousy — the canker of self-tor- 
menting envy — the tortures of heart-chilling malice, and the typhoid 
of foaming revenge. It neutralizes and tames the fiercer passions of 
man and prepares him for that brighter world where this darling 
attribute reigns triumphant without a rival. Could its benign influ- 
ence reach the hearts of all mankind, the partition walls of secta- 
rianism would crumble and disappear — national and individual hap- 
piness would increase, and many of the dark clouds of human woe and 
misery would vanish before its heart-cheering and soul-enlivening rays, 
like the morning fog before the rising sun. It is a true and impartial 
mirror set in the frame of love and resting on equity and justice. 

These preliminary remarks are elicited from a review of the life of 
the subject of this biographette, whose father was among the perse- 
cuted Quakers of New England, and was compelled to fly from Con- 
necticut to New Jersey in consequence of his religious tenets. It is 
an inconsistency of human nature that when those who have suffered 
by religious persecution from superior force obtain the reigns of power, 
they often become the persecutors of all who will not succumb to their 
authority and dogmatical notions. In the biography of Charles Car- 
roll the reader has recognised one example. Under the administra- 
tion of the "Cambridge Platform," commenced by the ecclesiastical 
convention of New England in 1646, and completed in 1648, a sterner 
policy was pursued towards the Quakers than against the Roman 
Catholics. On this "Platform" the municipal and legislative regula- 
tions were based for about sixty years. In 1656, the legislature of 
Massachusetts passed a law prohibiting every master of a vessel from 



268 JOSEPH HEWES. 

bringing a Quaker into the colony under a penalty of one hundred 
pounds. The next year a law was passed by the same body, inflict- 
ing the most barbarous cruelties upon the members of this sect, such 
as cutting off' their ears, boring their tongues with a hot iron, &c, 
unless they would desist from their mode of worship and doff' their 
straight coats and ugly bonnets. In 1669, a law was passed banish- 
ing them on pain of death, and four of them who refused to go were 
executed. Some historians have endeavoured to excuse this cruelty 
on the ground that the Quakers provoked their persecutors by pro- 
mulgating their doctrines too boldly. This reason is too far-fetched, 
and shrinks at once from the scrutiny of charity and justice. No 
apology can be found until we can convert the baser passions of hu- 
man nature into virtues. By recurring to the ignorance, bigotry and 
fanaticism of that period, we can readily discover why such a course 
was pursued, but this affords no healing balm for the mind of a true 
philanthropist. We can only regret the past and rejoice that charity 
has so far triumphed as to restore men to a degree of reason that has 
paralyzed persecution unto blood for opinion's sake — one of the happy 
traits of a free and liberal government. 

To avoid the penalties of the "Platform" and the dangers of In- 
dian incursions, Aaron Hewes and Providence his wife, the parents 
of the subject of this narrative, took up their residence near Kingston, 
New Jersey, where they lived peacefully and died happily. When 
they crossed the Housatonic river in their flight, they were so closely 
pursued by the savages that Providence was severely wounded in the 
neck by a bullet from one of their guns. 

Joseph Hewes, their son, was born at the residence of his parents 
near Kingston, in 1730. After receiving a good education in the 
Princeton school, he commenced his commercial apprenticeship in the 
city of Philadelphia." After completing this he entered into the mer- 
cantile business and soon became an enterprising and successful mer- 
chant. For several years he spent his time alternately at Philadel- 
phia and New York, and during that period was extensively engaged 
in the shipping business. 

He was a man of a lively disposition, penetrating mind and indus- 
trious in all his undertakings. He was fond of social intercourse, 
convivial parties, and sometimes joined in the dance. His figure was 
elegant, his manners polished, his countenance intelligent and attrac- 
tive, and his whole course highly honourable and just. 

At the age of thirty he located at Edenton, North Carolina, and 
was soon after called to a seat in the assembly of that province. He 
became a substantial and useful member, but made no pretensions to 
oratory. He was a faithful working man, a correct voter, and was 
uniformly in the assembly until elected to Congress. 

When the revolutionary storm commenced, Mr. Hewes was among 
those who pledged their lives, fortunes and honours to support the 
cause of equal rights. He was a member of the Congress of 1774, and 
was placed upon the important committee appointed to report the 
rights of the American colonies, the manner they had been infringed 
and the best means of obtaining their restoration. From this fact, and 



JOSEPH HEWES. 9(J9 

from the report of the committee, we may infer that Mr. Hewes was 
possessed of a clear head, a sound and deliberate judgment, and un- 
derstood well the principles of constitutional law and chartered privi- 
leges. 

The report of this committee is a lucid and elaborate document. 
By referring to the declaration of independence the reader will learn 
the features of its first part — by referring to the instructions from the 
primary convention of the delegates of Pennsylvania, in the biography 
of James Smith, the nature of the second part will be seen. The pre- 
liminary means of obtaining redress are fully set forth in the following 
extract. After reciting the injuries of the mother country, the report 
proceeds, 

"Therefore we do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several 
colonies whom we represent, firmly a°;ree and associate under the 
sacred ties of virtue, honour and love of our country, as follows: 

First. That from and after the first day of December next, we will 
not import into British America, from Great Britain or Ireland, any 
goods, wares or merchandise whatsoever, or from any other place any 
such goods, wares or merchandise as shall have been exported from 
Great Britain or Ireland; nor will we, after that day, import any East 
India tea from any part of the world, nor any molasses, sirups, coffee, 
or pimento from the British plantations or from Dominico, nor wine 
from Madeira or the West Indies, nor foreign indigo. 

Second. We will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported 
after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly 
discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it our- 
selves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or ma- 
nufactures to those who are concerned in it. 

Third. As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will 
be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we 
as above solemnly agree and associate, that from this day we will not 
purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East India Com- 
pany, or any on which a duty has been or shall be paid — and from the 
first day of March next, we will not purchase or use any East India 
tea whatever; nor will we, nor shall any person for or under us, pur- 
chase or use any of these goods, wares or merchandise we have agreed 
not to import, which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were 
imported after the first day of December, except such as come under 
the rules and directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned. 

Fourth. The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow sub- 
jects in Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, induces us to sus- 
pend a non-importation until the tenth day of September, 1775, at 
which time, if the said acts and parts of acts of the British parliament 
thereinafter mentioned* are not repealed, we will not, directly or indi- 
rectly, export any merchandise or commodities whatsoever to Great 
Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, except rice to Europe. 

Fifth. Such as are merchants, and use the British and Irish trade, 
will give orders as soon as possible to their factors, agents and cor- 

* See biography of James Smith, p. 260, for the acts referred to in substance. 



270 JOSEPH HEWES. 

respondents in Great Britain and Ireland, not to ship any goods to 
them on any pretence whatsoever, as they cannot be received in Ame- 
rica} and if any merchants residing in Great Britain or Ireland shall, 
directly or indirectly, ship any goods, wares or merchandise for Ame- 
rica, in order to break the said non-importation agreement, or in any 
manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well 
tested, it ought to be made public; and on the same being so done, we 
will not from henceforth have any commercial connexion with such 
merchant. 

Sixth. That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders 
to their captains or masters, not to receive on board their vessels any 
goods prohibited by the said non-importation agreement, on pain of 
immediate dismission from their service. 

Seventh. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed 
of sheep and increase their number to the greatest extent, and to that 
end we will kill them as seldom as may be, especially those of the 
most profitable kind, nor will we export any to the West Indies or 
elsewhere; and those of us who are, or may become overstocked with 
or can conveniently spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our 
neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms. 

Eighth. We will in our several stations encourage frugality, econo- 
my and industry, and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures 
of this country, especially that of wool, and will discountenance and 
discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially 
all horse racing and all kinds of gaming, cock fighting, exhibitions of 
shows, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments, and 
on the death of any relation or friend, none of us or any of our fami- 
lies will go into any further mourning dress than a black crape or 
ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and neck- 
lace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs 
at funerals. 

Ninth. Such as are venders of goods and merchandise will not 
take the advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by 
this association, but will sell the same at the rate we have been re- 
spectively accustomed to do for twelve months last past: and if any 
vender of goods or merchandise shall sell any such goods on higher 
terms, or shall in any manner or by any device whatsoever depart from 
this agreement, no person ought, nor will any of us deal with any such 
person, or his or her factor or agent at any time hereafter, for any 
commodity whatever. 

Tenth. In case any merchant, trader, or other persons shall import 
any goods or merchandise after the first day of December, and before 
the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the elec- 
tion of the owners, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to the com- 
mittee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported, to be 
stored at the risk of the importer, until the non-importation agree- 
ment shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the committee 
aforesaid; and in the last mentioned case the owner or owners of such 
goods shall be reimbursed out of the sales, the first cost and charges, 
the profits, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing such 



JOSEPH HE WES. 271 

poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are immediate sufferers by 
the Boston port bill, and a particular account of all goods so returned, 
stored or sold, to be inserted in the public paper; and if any goods or 
merchandise shall be imported after the said first day of February, 
the same ought forthwith to be sent back again without breaking any 
of the packages thereof. 

Eleventh. That a committee be chosen in every county, city and 
town, by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the 
legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the con- 
duct of all persons touching this association, and when it shall be 
made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee, 
that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated 
this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the 
case to be published in the gazette, to the end that all such foes to 
the rights of British America may be publicly known and universally 
condemned as the enemies of American liberty, and henceforth we 
respectively will break off all dealings with him or her. 

Twelfth. That the committee of correspondence in the respective 
colonies do frequently inspect the entries of the custom house, and 
inform each other from time to time of the true state thereof, and of 
every other material circumstance that may occur relative to this 
association. 

Tliirteenth. That all manufactures of this country be sold at 
reasonable prices, so that no under-advantage be taken of a future 
scarcity of goods. 

Fourteenth. And we do further agree and resolve, that we will 
have no trade, commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatsoever with 
any colony or province in North America which shall not accede to, 
or which shall have hereafter violated this association, but will hold 
them as unworthy of the rights of freemen and inimicable to the rights 
of their country. 

And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our constituents, under the 
ties aforesaid, to adhere to this association until such parts of the 
several acts of parliament passed since the close of the war, as impose 
or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, sirups, coffee, sugar, pimen- 
to, indigo, foreign paper, glass, and painters' colours, imported into 
America, and extend the powers of the admiralty courts beyond their 
ancient limits, deprive the American subjects of trial by jury, author- 
ize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages 
that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers, require 
oppressive security from a claimant of ships or goods before he shall 
be allowed to defend his property, are repealed. 

And we recommend it to the provincial conventions and to the 
committee in the respective colonies, to establish such further regula- 
tions as they may think proper for carrying into execution this associa- 
tion." 

Upon this report all the subsequent proceedings of the Congress 
were predicated. We may readily suppose, that nothing but the most 
unparalleled violations of their rights, could induce men to enter into 



272 JOSEPH HEWES. 

an agreement like the above. By every true patriot it was closely ad- 
hered to. 

After a session of about two months, Congress adjourned to meet 
the ensuing May, when Mr. Hewes again took, his seat in that body 
and became conspicuous as a member of important committees. He 
was continued at this post of honour the ensuing year and had the 
satisfaction of hearing the discussion upon the momentous question of 
a separation from Great Britain. He was decidedly in favour of the 
measure, and when the set time arrived to strike for liberty, he sanc- 
tioned the declaration of independence by his vote and signature. 

He now became a very conspicuous actor upon committees. His 
industry, his accurate knowledge of business, his systematic mode of 
performing all his duties, gained for him the esteem and admiration of 
all the members. It was remarked by one of his cotemporaries: "Mr. 
Hewes was remarkable for a devotedness to the business of this" (the 
secret) "committee, as ever the most industrious merchant was to his 
counting-house." 

He was upon the committee of claims, upon the secret committee, 
upon the one to consult with Washington relative to military opera- 
tions, upon that of the treasury and several others. The one upon 
which he rendered the most important services, was that which had 
charge of fitting out a naval armament. The whole business eventu- 
ally devolved upon him and he was, de facto, the first secretary of the 
navy. With the funds placed in his hands he fitted out with great 
despatch eight armed vessels. He was also very active in ob- 
taining supplies for his own state. Indeed so deeply did he feel for 
his constituents in North Carolina, that he declined his appointment 
to Congress in 1777, and repaired to her assistance, where he remain- 
ed until July, 1779, when he again resumed his seat in the national 
legislature. He was then worn down with fatigue and in poor health. 
He endeavoured to resume his active duties, but disease had already 
shaken his physical powers and sown the seeds of death. He con- 
tinued to attend in the house, when able, until the 29th of October, 
when he saw its hall for the last time. On the 10th of November, his 
immortal spirit left its earthly tabernacle and returned to Him who 
gave it. His premature death was deeply lamented and sincerely 
mourned. Congress passed the usual resolutions and its members 
wore the mourning badge for thirty days. His remains were buried 
in Christ Church yard, Philadelphia, followed by all the members 
and officers of Congress, the general assembly and supreme execu- 
tive council of Pennsylvania, the minister plenipotentiary of France, 
the military and a large concourse of other persons. The funeral 
ceremony was performed by the Reverend Mr. White, since Bishop 
White, and the chaplain of the Continental Congress. His dust 
reposes in peace, his name is recorded on the chart of our liberty, his 
fame will live until the last vestige of American history shall be 
blotted from the world. Not a blemish rests upon his private cha- 
racter or public reputation. 



273 



JOHN ADAMS. 

Genuine moral courage is a sterling quality that ennobles and dig- 
nifies the man. It invigorates the mind like an impregning cloud — 
shedding its gentle dews on the flowers of spring. It is a heavenly 
spark, animating the immortal soul with the fire of divinity that illu- 
minates the path of rectitude. It is an attribute that opposes all 
wrong and propels its subject right onward to the fearless perform- 
ance of all right. It is based upon virtue and equity, and spurns vice 
in all its borrowed and delusive forms. It courts no servile favours 
— it fears no earthly scrutiny. No flattery can seduce it, no eclat 
can allure it, no bribe can purchase it, no tyrant can awe it, no mis- 
fortune can bend it, no intrigue can corrupt it, no adversity can quench 
it, no tortures can subdue it. Its motto is — "Fiat justitia, mat 
calum. , ' > [Let justice be done though the heavens should fall.] With- 
out it, fame is ephemeral and renown transient. It is the saline basis 
of a good name that gives richness to its memory. It is a pillar of light 
to revolving thought, and the polar star that points to duty and leads 
to merit. It is the soul of reason, the essence of wisdom, and the 
crowning glory of mental power. It was this that influenced the 
signers of the declaration of independence and nerved them for the 
conflict. 

No one among them was more fully imbued with it than John- 
Adams. He was a native of Quincy, Massachusetts, and born on the 
19th of October, (O. S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from 
Henry Adams, whose tomb bears this singular inscription — "He took 
his flight from the dragon persecution, in Devonshire, England, and 
alighted, with eight sons, near Mount Wollaston." In childhood the 
career of John Adams was marked with a rapid developement of strong 
intellectual powers, which were skilfully cultivated by Mr. Marsh, 
at Braintree, a celebrated and successful teacher. At the age of six- 
teen years he entered Harvard College, at Cambridge, where he be- 
came a finished scholar and graduated at the age of twenty. He gain- 
ed a high reputation for frankness, honesty and untiring industry, and 
was greatly esteemed by the professors and his classmates. 

From college he proceeded to Worcester, commenced the study 
of law under Mr. Putnam, and finished with Mr. Gridley, supporting 
himself in the mean time by teaching a grammar class. At that early 
age he possessed wisdom to perceive right, and moral courage to pur- 
sue it. In view of the past and present, he made a philosophic grasp 
at the future, as will appear from the following extract from a letter 
written by him on the 12th of October, 1755, shortly after he took up 
his residence at Worcester. 



274 J0HN ADAMS. 

"Soon after the reformation a few people came over into this new 
world for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident 
may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely 
to me, if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according 
to the exactest computations, will, in another century, become more 
numerous than England herself. Should this be the case, since we 
have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will 
be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas, and then the united force of 
all Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us 
from setting up for ourselves — is to disunite us. * * * Keep us 
in distinct colonies, and then some men in each colony, desiring the 
monarchy of the whole, will destroy each other's influence and keep 
the country in equilibrio." 

This broad and expansive view of the future, conceived by a youth, 
was very remarkable. He saw the one thing needful to render our 
nation powerful — the creation of a navy — for which nature has given 
us all the stores. The paralysis that pervades our government in its 
naval improvements has long astonished the nations of the old world, 
and afetv of our own statesmen. The time will arrive when our coun- 
try will be made to feel most keenly — that "a navy is the right arm 
of defence." 

After pursuing his studies three years, Mr. Adams was admitted to 
the practice of law. He then commenced his professional career at 
Braintree. Questions of constitutional right and law had already be- 
come the subject of investigation and a root of bitterness between the 
colonists and the officers of the crown. The latter, that were engaged 
in the custom-house, claimed unlimited power to search the private 
dwellings of all persons whom they suspected of having dutiable goods. 
This suspicion, or pretended suspicion, often arose from personal ani- 
mosity, without a shadow of evidence or reasonable cause. The right of 
search was of course resisted as arbitrary, unconstitutional and assum- 
ed. This led to an application to the superior court for "writs of assist- 
ance," which may be considered as one of the first germs of the revo- 
lution. Mr. Gridley, who had led Mr. Adams to the bar, and was 
then his friend and admirer, maintained the legality of the proceeding, 
not upon the ground of constitutional law, but from the necessity of 
the case in order to protect the revenue. Mr. Adams took a deep 
interest in the question, which was finally argued before the superior 
court at Boston, by Mr. Gridley for the crown and Mr. Otis for the 
people. In listening to the latter gentleman, a fire of patriotism was 
kindled in the bosom of Mr. Adams, that death alone could extinguish. 
He asserted in after life, that "Mr. Otis's oration against writs of 
assistance, breathed into this nation the breath of life. *. * * Ameri- 
can independence was then and there born. * * * Every man of 
an immense crowded audience appeared to me to go away, as I did, 
ready to take up arms against writs of assistance. Then and there 
was the first scene of the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims 
of Great Britain." 

The court publicly decided against the writs, but secretly issued 



JOHN ADAMS. 275 

them. That people had their houses searched to satisfy revenge, will 
appear from the following described incident. 

"Mr. Justice Watty had called Mr. Ware, one of the persons in 
possession of such a writ, before him, by a constable, to answer for a 
breach of the Sabbath-day acts, or for profane swearing. As soon as 
he had finished, Mr. Ware asked him if he had done. He replied — 
yes. Well, then, said Mr. Ware, I will show you a little of my 
power. 1 command you to permit me to search your house for un- 
customed goods — and went on to search his house from garret to cel- 
lar — and then served the constable in the same manner." 

We can readily imagine the natural consequences of such a proce- 
dure, against which Mr. Adams at once took a bold and decided stand. 
The assembly also interfered in behalf of the people, and in 1762 pre- 
pared a bill to prevent these writs from being issued to any but cus- 
tom-house officers, and to them only upon a specific information on 
oath — which bill was vetoed by the governor. As a blow at the royal 
authority this was well aimed, and showed a disposition in the mem- 
bers to do the will of their constituents. As a retaliative measure 
they reduced the salary of the judges. 

In 1761, Mr. Adams attained the rank of barrister and rose to emi- 
nence in his profession. In 1764, he married the accomplished Miss 
Abigail, the daughter of the Rev. William Smith, who participated 
with him in the changing scenes of life for fifty-four years. The fol- 
lowing extract from a letter written by her to a friend, after the com- 
mencement of the revolution, will exhibit the strength of her mind 
and the patriotic feelings of the ladies at that eventful era. 

"Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of 
blood or the carnage of the human species — but, having been forced to 
draw the sword, we are determined never to sheathe it — slaves to Bri- 
tain. Our cause, sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice, and will 
finally prevail, though the combined force of earth and hell should rise 
against it. To this cause I have sacrificed much of my own personal 
happiness, by giving up to the councils of America one of my nearest 
connexions, and living for more than three years in a state of widow- 
hood." 

When the stamp act was passed, the fire of indignation against law- 
less oppression rose in the bosom of Mr. Adams to a luminous flame. 
He at once became a public man, and entered into a defence of char- 
tered rights and rational freedom. He published an "Essay on the 
Canon and Feudal Law," which placed him on a lofty eminence as 
an able and vigorous writer. Its raciness penetrated the joints and 
marrow of royal power as practised, and the parliamentary legislation 
as assumed.* He traced the former law to its original source — the 
Roman clergy — by them subtlely planned, extensively exercised and 
acutely managed, to effect their own aggrandizement. He then deli- 
neated the servile dogmas of the latter, that made each manor the 
miniature kingdom of a petty tyrant. He then drew a vivid picture 
of their powerful but unholy confederacy, by which they spread the 
mantle of ignorance over the world, drove virtue from the earth, and 
commenced the era of mental obscurity. He then explored the laby- 
rinthian mazes of the dark ages, portrayed the first glimmerings of 



276 J0HN ADAMS. 

returning light, travelled through the gigantic struggles of the refor- 
mation amidst the bloody scenes of cruel persecution, and finally 
placed his readers upon the granite shores of New England, where, 
for a century, liberty had shed its happy influence upon the sons and 
daughters of freemen, unmolested by canons or feuds. That liberty 
was now invaded, and, unless the tyranny that had already com- 
menced its desolating course was arrested in its bold career, slavery 
would be the consequence. This is the syllabus of a pamphlet of over 
forty pages, written in a strong, bold and nervous style. 

From that time forward Mr. Adams became a leading whig. He be- 
came associated with Samuel Adams, Quincy, Otis and other kindred 
spirits, all much older men, but not more zealous in the cause than him. 
The repeal of the odious stamp act and the removal of Mr. Grenville 
from the ministry was the result of the labours of the patriots in 1765. 
A delusive calm ensued in parliamentary and ministerial proceedings, 
openly avowed. Mr. Adams was among those who watched closely 
the signs of the times. Govornor Barnard occasionally showed the 
cloven foot, and his officers put on airs that were far from being agree- 
able to the yeomanry of the country. Festering wounds occasionally 
became irritated, and no balm was found that restored them to perfect 
soundness. 

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston, and at the end of two 
years had become so conspicuous and had displayed so much talent 
that the governor thought him worth purchasing. The lucrative and 
honourable office of advocate-general in the court of admiralty was 
offered to him, which was deemed a sufficient bribe to allure him. 
In this the governor found himself mistaken. Moral courage was the 
firm basis on which this devoted patriot stood. He spurned the royal 
harness, glittering with gold, with as much disdain as the wild horse 
of the prairie looks upon a moping mule. 

In 1769 he was one of the committee appointed by the citizens of 
Boston to propose instructions for their representatives in the legis- 
lative body, which were highly spiced with free principles, and were 
very unsavoury to the royal governor. Many of his measures were 
severely censured, particularly that of quartering the mercenary sol- 
diers in the town. He was unbending in his purposes, and the people 
determined on maintaining their rights. The consequences were 
tragical. On the fifth of March, 1770, an affray occurred between 
the military and citizens, in which five of the latter were killed and 
others wounded. The following description of the scene that ensued 
is from the pen of Mr. Adams, the present subject of this memoir. 

"The people assembled first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the 
old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve 
hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial, in- 
dependent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed them- 
selves into a regular deliberative body, chose their moderator and 
secretary, entered into discussions, deliberations and debates, adopted 
resolutions and appointed committees. Their resolutions in public 
were conformable to every man in private who dared express his 
thoughts or his feelings — 'that the regular soldiers should be banished 



JOHN ADAMS. 277 

from the town at nil hazards.' Jonathan Williams, a very pious, 
inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A 
remonstrance to the governor, or governor and council, was ordained, 
and a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the 
town. A committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of 
which Samuel Adams was chairman. 

"This was a delicate and dangerous crisis. The question in the 
last resort was — whether the town of Boston should become a scene 
of carnage and desolation or not. Humanity to the soldiers con- 
spired with a regard for the safety of the town, in suggesting the 
measure in calling the town together to deliberate, for nothing but 
the most solemn promises to the people, that the soldiers should, at 
all hazards, be driven from the town, had preserved its peace. Not 
only the immense assemblies of the people from day to day, but mili- 
tary arrangements from night to night were necessary to keep the 
people and the soldiers from getting together by the ears. The life 
of a red coat would not have been safe in any street or corner of the 
town; nor would the lives of the inhabitants been much more secure. 
The whole militia of the city was in requisition, and military watches 
and guards were every where placed. We were all upon a level; 
no man was exempted; our military officers were our only superiors. 
I had the honour to be summoned in my turn and attended at the 
State-house with my musket and bayonet, my broad sword and cart- 
ridge box, under the command of the famous Paddock. I know you 
will laugh at my military figure; but I believe there was not a more 
obedient soldier in the regiment, nor one more impartial between the 
people and the regulars. In this character I was upon duty all 
night in my turn. No man appeared more anxious or more deeply 
impressed with a sense of danger on all sides than our commander 
Paddock. He called me, common soldier as I was, frequently to 
his councils. I had a great deal of conversation with him, and no 
man appeared more apprehensive of a fatal calamity to the town, or 
more zealous by every prudent measure to prevent it."* 

Order was finally restored and the civil authorities again assumed 
their functions. Captain Preston was arrested and brought before 
the court, charged with giving the order to the regulars to fire upon 
the citizens; and also the soldiers who committed the outrage. As 
is uniformly the case, each party was charged with blame by the 
respective friends of the other. Some inconsiderate citizens had 
thrown snowballs at the king's troops, who returned the change in 
blue pills. The former were imprudent, the latter were revengeful. 

Mr. Adams was employed by the accused to defend them. Some 
of his friends were fearful that it might injure his popularity with the 
people, whose excitement was still very great. But so ingeniously 
and eloquently did he manage the case, that Captain Preston and all 
the soldiers but two were acquitted, and those two were only con- 
victed of manslaughter, and Mr. Adams stood approved and ap- 
plauded by the citizens, having performed his professional duty to 

* For the further proceedings, see Samuel Adams and John Hancock. 



278 JOHN ADAMS. 

his clients, and at the same time vindicated the rights of the people; 
the result of being guided entirely by the polar star of moral courage. 

The same year he was elected to the legislative body, then called 
the "General Court," and was a bold opposer of the arbitrary mea- 
sures of Lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who undisguisedly fol- 
lowed the directions of the ministry in violation of the charter of the 
colony, in all things that were necessary to carry out the plans of the 
British cabinet, pleading his instructions as an excuse. 

Mr. Adams was one of the committee that prepared an address to 
him, the style of which induces me to think it was penned by him. 
From the following extract the reader may judge. After vividly 
portraying the violations of right complained of, the address con- 
cludes, "These and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be 
here enumerated, and too melancholy to be much longer borne by 
this injured people, we have seen brought upon us by the devices of 
ministers of state. And we have, of late, seen and heard of instruc- 
tions to governors which threaten to destroy all the remaining privi- 
leges of our charter. Should these struggles of the house prove 
unfortunate and ineffectual, this province will submit, with pious 
resignation, to the will of Providence; but it would be a kind of sui- 
cide, of which we have the utmost abhorrence, to be instrumental in 
our own servitude." A blind obstinacy on the part of the ministers 
increased the opposition of the people and operated upon them with 
all the power of centrifugal force, inducing them to refuse obedience 
to the king's officers. Alarmed at the boldness of the people of 
Boston, Governor Barnard had ordered the general court to convene 
at Cambridge. This was contrary to the charter which fixed its place 
of meeting at the former place. The members convened but refused 
to proceed to business unless they were permitted to adjourn to the 
proper place, to which Lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who had 
succeeded Governor Barnard, refused his assent. A war of words 
and paper ensued, in which the patriots were uniformly victorious. 
Mr. Adams was a leader of the sharp-shooters and made great havoc 
among the officers of the crown. They induced the senior member 
of their council, Mr. Brattle, to enter the field against him with 
pen in hand. The conflict was short, Mr. Adams put him hors de 
combat, and showed the people the fallacy of every pretext set up by 
the hirelings of the ministry. In 1771, Mr. Hutchinson was ap- 
pointed governor, and the next year consented to the return of the 
legislative body to Boston as a balm for the wounds he had inflicted. 
But in this he gained no popularity — it was deemed an involuntary 
act forced upon him by the popular will, or a mere stratagem to quiet 
the public mind. There were other sources of complaint. The troops 
in the castle, that were under the pay and control of the province, 
had been dismissed and their place supplied by fresh regulars from 
the mother country: the governor and judges received their salaries 
from England instead of from the colony, as had always been the 
usage, thus aiming to render the military, executive and judiciary 
independent of the people whom they governed, which operated as 
a talisman to destroy all confidence and affection for these officers on 



JOHN ADAMS. 279 

the part of the citizens. The tax on tea was another source of grief 
that touched more tender chords. Woe unto the ruler that rouses 
the indignation of the better part of creation. He had better tempt 
the fury of Mars, or try his speed with Atalanta. Tea soon became 
forbidden fruit, and several vessel loads were sacrificed to Neptune 
as an oblation for the sins of ministers and an oblectation for the fishes 
of Boston harbour. Royal authority increased in insolence, and the 
patriots increased in boldness. At the commencement of the ses- 
sion of the general court in 1773, Governor Hutchinson sustained the 
odious doctrine of supremacy of the parliament in his message, which 
was promptly replied to and denied by the members of that body. 
A reply was as promptly returned by his excellency, which was pre- 
pared with more than usual ability. Mr. Adams, although not a 
member at that time, was employed to write a rejoinder, which 
was adopted without any amendment. It paralyzed the pen and 
closed the mouth of the governor. It was an exposition of British 
wrongs and American rights so clearly exhibited, that no sophistry 
could impugn it or logic confront it. So highly was it appreciated 
by Dr. Franklin, that he had it republished in England and freely 
circulated. It was a luminary to the patriots and confusion to their 
opponents. 

Shortly after, Mr. Adams was elected to the general court and 
placed on the list of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutch- 
inson, that he erased his name — an act that recoiled upon himself with 
redoubled force and aided to hasten the termination of his power in 
the colony. In less than a year from that time he was succeeded by 
governor Gage, who was still better calculated to hasten on the revo- 
lutionary crisis — because more authoritative and ministerial than his 
predecessor. With the commencement of his limited administration 
in 1774, the Boston port bill took effect. The consequences that 
followed are familiar to the reader. Governor Gage embraced the 
first opportunity to pay a marked attention to John Adams. His 
name was placed on the council list at the first session of the legisla- 
ture, after his excellency assumed the helm of government, who at 
once placed his indignant cross upon it. He also removed the 
assembly to Salem. The members proceeded to the preliminary 
business of the session, and among other things requested the gover- 
nor to fix a day for general humiliation and prayer, which he peremp- 
torily refused to do. Here again tender chords were touched. The 
people en masse venerated religion, and an insult upon that or an in- 
terruption of its usual and ancient usages, was like adding pitch to a 
fire already vivid and flaming. The house then proceeded to consider 
the project of a general Congress, and in spite of an attempt by the 
governor to dissolve it, the door was locked against his secretary, 
patriotic resolutions were passed, and five delegates appointed to meet 
a national convention, one of which was John Adams. So bold had 
been his course that some of his warmest friends and most ardent ad- 
mirers advised him to decline his appointment, as the adherents of the 
crown had already hinted that he evidently aimed at establishing an 
independent government, which they considered endangered the peace 



280 JOHN ADAMS. 

of the country and his life, as the British could and would enforce 
every measure they chose to adopt. But John Adams had weighed 
well the subject of rights and wrongs and took his stand within the 
citadel of moral courage, against which the gates of hell can never 
prevail. He had resolved to nobly perish in defending the liberty of 
his country, or plant the standard of freedom on the ruins of tyranny. 

At the appointed time he repaired to the city of Philadelphia and 
took his seat in that assemblage of sages whose wisdom has been sung 
by the ablest poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators, and ad- 
mired by the most sagacious statesmen of the two hemispheres. On 
reading the proceedings of the American Congress of 1774, Lord 
Chatham remarked, "that he had studied and admired the free states 
of antiquity, the master spirits of the world — but that for solidity of 
reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of 
men could stand in preference to this congress." 

Mr. Adams, for whom his friends felt so much anxiety for fear his 
ardour might lead him to rashness, was as calm as a summer morning, 
but firm as the granite shores of his birth place. With all his ardent 
zeal he was discreet, prudent and politic. He was the last man to 
violate constitutional law, and the last man to submit to its violation. 
He kept his helm hard up and ran close to the wind, but understood 
well when to lutt' and when to take the larboard tack, and when to 
take in sail. His soundings were deep and his calculations relative 
to future storms were truly prophetic. He was one of the few that 
believed the ministry would induce the king and parliament of the 
mother country to remain incorrigible, and that petitions would be 
vain, addresses futile, and remonstrances unavailing. That this Con- 
gress adopted the proper course to pursue, he was fully aware — that 
dignity might grace the cause of the people and justice be honoured. 
The following extract from a letter written by him at a subsequent 
period, shows his, and the conclusions of others at that time. 

"When Congress had finished their business as they thought, in 
the autumn of 1774, 1 had with Mr. Henry before we took leave of 
each other some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full 
conviction that our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of 
wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, addresses, associations and non-im- 
portation agreements, however they might be accepted in America and 
however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be 
waste water in England. Mr. Henry said, they might make some 
impression among the people of England, but agreed with me that 
they would be totally lost upon the government. I had just received 
a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Joseph Hawley of 
Northampton, containing 'a few broken hints,' as he called them, of 
what he thought was proper to be done, and concluding with these 
words, 'after all we must fight? This letter I read to Mr. Henry, 
who listened with great attention, and as soon as I had pronounced 
the words: — '•after all we mustfiighf — he raised his hand and with an 
energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with — 'by 
G — d I am of that man's mind.' * * * * * . , 

The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full 



JOHN ADAMS. 281 

confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last 
words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me when we parted, were 
'we shall infallibly carry all our points. You will be completely re- 
lieved — all the offensive acts will be repealed, the army and fleet 
will be recalled and Britain will give up her foolish project.' Wash- 
ington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he 
joined with those, who advocated a non-exportation, as well as a non-im- 
portation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail — with 
either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard 
Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between 
the two." 

Here is exhibited a striking picture of the minds of these four great 
men, which appears to have escaped the notice of the several writers 
that I have consulted. Adams and Henry, drawing their conclu- 
sions from the past, the present and the future, diving into the 
depths of human nature and grasping, at one bold view, all the multi- 
form circumstances that hung over the two nations, concluded truly, 
"after all tee must fight." They concluded that the confidence in- 
spired in the ministers by the overwhelming physical force of Great 
Britain, would prevent them from relaxing the cords of oppression, 
and that the independent spirit of the hardy sons of Columbia would 
not be subdued without a struggle. Lee, naturally bouyant, his own 
mind readily impressed by reason and eloquence, did not reflect that 
inflated power, when deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to 
all the refined feelings of the heart, is deaf to wisdom and blind to 
justice. He was as determined to maintain chartered rights as them, 
but did not scan human nature as closely. Washington, deep in re- 
flection and investigation, his soul overflowing with the milk of hu- 
man kindness, did not arrive as rapidly at conclusions. In weighing 
the causes of difference between the two countries, reason, justice 
and hope on the one side, power, corruption, and avarice on the other, 
held his mind, for a time, in equilibrio. He plainly perceived and 
pursued the right, and fondly but faintly hoped that England would 
see and pursue it too. He was as prompt to defend liberty as either 
of the others. 

On his return, Mr. Adams was congratulated by his anxious friends 
upon the prudent course he had pursued, and was re-elected a mem- 
ber of the ensuing Congress. During the interim his pen was again use- 
fully employed. Mr. Sewall, the king's attorney-general, had written 
a series of elaborate and ingenious essays, maintaining the supremacy 
of parliament and censuring, in no measured terms, the proceed- 
ings of the wings. Under the name of "Novanglus, v Mr. Adams 
stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the high-varnished 
picture that Mr. Sewall had presented to the public, and when he had 
finished his work, a mere skeleton of visible deformity was left to 
gaze upon. 

The attorney-general was made to tremble before the keen cuts of 

the falchion quilf of this devoted patriot. So deep was his reasoning, 

so learned were his expositions, and so lucid and conclusive were his 

demonstrations, that his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired hissing 

56 



282 J0HN ADAMS. 

from the conflict, "he strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge 
pile of learning." The pile proved too huge for royal power, and 
was sufficiently large to supply the people with an abundance of light. 
The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. 
It left the sages of liberty in a position to hurl their arrows freely at 
them, without denying the allegiance of the colonists to the king. The 
British cabinet worked out its own destruction, if not with fear and 
trembling, it was with blindness and disgrace — a disgrace arising from 
the grossest impolicy and injustice, if not to say ignorance and in- 
fatuation. They were entirely mistaken in the people of America — 
they awoke the wrong passengers. 

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress. The 
members convened under quite different feelings from those that 
pervaded their bosoms the previous autumn. Revolution was now 
rolling fearfully upon their bleeding country, hope of redress was ex- 
piring like the last flickerings of an exhausted taper, dark and por- 
tentous clouds were accumulating, the ministerial ermine was already 
steeped in blood, the chains of servitude were clanking in their ears, 
the dying groans of their fellow citizens and the mournful lamenta- 
tions of widows and orphans were resounding through the land, and 
the prophetic conclusion of Adams and Henry, drawn at the previous 
session, began to force itself upon the minds of members, that "after 
all we must fight." As a preliminary measure, it was necessary to 
appoint a commander of the military forces to be raised. To fix 
upon the best man was of vital importance. Many were yet chant- 
ing the song of peace and thought it premature to make such an ap- 
pointment, lest it should widen the breach which they still hoped 
might be repaired. The New England delegates were not of this 
class. When the purple current was wantonly diverted from its ori- 
ginal channel upon the heights of Lexington, they hung their syren 
harps upon the weeping willows that shaded the tombs of their mur- 
dered brethren. They were convinced that war was inevitable. 
All soon became satisfied that prudence dictated a preparation for 
such an event. A suitable man to lead the armies and direct their 
course was a desideratum. The southern members were willing to 
submit to any nomination made by the eastern delegates. General 
Artemas Ward of Massachusetts was fixed upon by most of them, 
except John Adams. In George Washington he had discovered the 
commingling qualities of a philanthropist, a philosopher, a statesman 
and a hero. He was prompted by the force of moral courage to at 
once urge his colleagues to sanction his choice. They wer.e all op- 
posed to it, as were also the other members of the northern and eastern 
delegation. Mr. Adams was firm in his purpose, and met every ob- 
jection with conclusive arguments. These discussions were all pri- 
vate, not a word was uttered on the floor of Congress as to who 
should be the man. At last Samuel Adams became convinced that 
his junior colleague was right. The work was soon accomplished. 
Satisfied that his measure would be supported by a majority, John 
Adams rose in Congress and proposed that a commander of the 
American armies should be appointed. When this resolution was 
passed, he proceeded to portray the requisite qualities necessary to 



JOHN ADAMS. 333 

fit a man for this important station, and emphatically remarked 
"such a man is within these ivalls." But few knew who he was 
about to nominate, and could not imagine who among their own 
number was possessed of all these noble attainments. A transient 
pause ensued. A breathless anxiety produced a painful suspense. 
The next moment the name of Colonel George Washington of 
Virginia, was announced, at which the colonel was more astonished 
than any other member of the house. He had not received an inti- 
mation of the intended honour from any person. He was nominated 
by John Adams about the middle of June, the nomination was se- 
conded by Samuel Adams, the next day the vote was taken and was 
unanimous in his favour. This appointment originated entirely with 
Mr. Adams; a high encomium upon his deep penetration and dis- 
cernment of human intellect, a clear demonstration of his moral cou- 
rage manifested in persevering in his choice although opposed at the 
threshold by the entire New England delegation. So judicious and 
felicitous was this selection, that the revered La Fayette remarked, 
"it was the consequence of providential inspiration." Be it so; Mr. 
Adams was the happy medium through which it was communicated 
to the Continental Congress, thereby placing at the head of the Ame- 
rican armies just such a man as the crisis required — prudent, digni- 
fied, bold, sagacious, patient, persevering, and universally esteemed 
by the patriots, and admired even by the most violent adherents of 
the crown. 

After Mr. Adams had accomplished this important act, he remained 
apparently quiescent during the residue of the session, viewing, an- 
alyzing and scanning public feeling and public acts. 

In the spring of 1776, he took his seat a third time in the National 
Assembly. The period had then arrived for more decisive action. 
Massachusetts had been declared out of the king's protection by par- 
liament. England had hired legions of soldiers from German princes 
to subdue the rebels in America, the last note of peace had died upon 
the voice of echo, every ray of hope in favour of an amicable settle- 
ment was banished, and every member became convinced that the 
dilemma was, resistance or slavery; but there were many who shrunk 
back with astonishment when independence was named to them. 

At this juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had 
moral courage to pursue it. On the sixth of May he offered a reso- 
lution in Congress proposing that the colonies should organize go- 
vernments independent of the mother country. On the tenth of the 
same month its substance was adopted in a modified form, recom- 
mending the formation of such government by the colonies "as might 
be conducive to the happiness and safety of their constituents in par- 
ticular and America in general." 

This startling measure was at first ably opposed by many of the 
patriots as premature, admitting its justice, and, but for the weakness 
of the colonies, its propriety and necessity. But Mr. Adams knew 
no middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of 
the preface to his broad and expanding folio of an independent com- 
pact, and he proceeded to put the main matter to press. He rose like a 



284 JOHN ADAMS. 

giant and commenced the mighty work of political regeneration. Each 
succeeding day brought him new aid. From the legislature of his own 
state he received full permission tostrike for independence. North 
Carolina had declared first, Virginia followed, and on the seventh of 
June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to lay the proposition 
fairly before Congress. A most animated discussion ensued. Then 
it was that the powers of Mr. Adams were fully developed. Mr. 
Jefferson said of him when alluding to his able support of the decla- 
ration of independence, "John Adams was the pillar of its support 
on the floor of Congress; its ablest advocate and defender against 
the multifarious assaults it encountered. He was our Colossus on 
the floor; not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public 
addresses; yet he came out with a power, both of thought and of ex- 
pression, that moved us from our seats." Another writer remarks, 
I think Mr. Trumbull, "The eloquence of Mr. Adams resembled his 
general character. It was bold, manly and energetic, such as the 
crisis required." The noblest powers of the soul of John Adams 
were raised to the zenith of their strength to accomplish the mighty 
work before him. Although on the committee to prepare the mani- 
festo of eternal separation, he confided its preparation to his col- 
leagues and bent his whole force, eloquence and energy upon the 
opponents to the measure. Most manfully did he contend, most glo- 
riously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries like a 
mountain torrent, a sweeping avalanche, prostrating their arguments 
and answering their objections in a manner that left no trace behind. 
He hurled the arrows of conviction so thick and fast, that every heart 
was pierced and a majority subdued. At length the time arrived 
when the momentous subject must be decided. The fourth of July, 
1776, dawned upon the patriots; they assembled, the past, the pre- 
sent and the prospective future rushed upon their minds; moments 
flew, hearts beat quicker, the question was put, independence was 
declared, America was free, liberty was honoured, freedom was pro- 
claimed and a nation redeemed. 

The following copy of a letter written by Mr. Adams to his wife on 
the 5th of July, will show the feelings of his mind on that occasion: 

"Yesterday the greatest question was decided that was ever de- 
bated in America, and greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided 
among men. A resolution passed without one dissenting colony — 
'that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent states.' The day is passed. The fourth of July, 1776, will 
be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe 
it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great anni- 
versary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deli- 
verance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to 
be solemnized with pomps, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bon- 
fires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, 
from this time forward and for ever. You will think me transported 
with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and 
blood, and treasure, that it will cost to maintain this declaration and 
support and defend these states; yet, through all the gloom, I can see 



JOHN ADAMS. 285 

the rays of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth more 
than all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and 
I may rue, which I hope we shall not." 

Early in the winter of 1776, Mr. Adams sketched a form of go- 
vernment to be adopted by each colony, which was substantially the 
same as the constitutions of the present time. It was in a letter to 
Richard Henry Lee, by whom it was, by permission, published with- 
out a name, and may be considered as the model of the constitutions 
now in force in the different states. After the form he remarks, 
"A constitution founded on these principles, introduces knowledge 
among the people and inspire.s them with a conscious dignity becom- 
ing freemen. A general emulation takes place which causes good 
humour, sociability, good manners and good morals to be general. 
That elevation of sentiment inspired by such a government, makes 
the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is 
inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will 
find among them some elegance perhaps, but more solidity; a little 
pleasure but a great deal of business; some politeness but more civili- 
ty. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, 
whether monarchial or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Ar- 
cadia or Elysium." 

Here, upon the canvass of truth, is a complete picture, exhibiting 
the blessings derived from a government like our own in its princi- 
ples — that these principles are not strictly adhered to by all politicians, 
is a fact too fully and fearfully demonstrated. Among all the great men 
of the last century of increasing intellectual light, no one appears to 
have taken a more comprehensive and at the same time minute view 
of human nature and of human government, than John Adams. He 
traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian meanderings, 
and drew conclusions as if by inspiration. Many of his predictions of 
the future bear the impress of prophecy, and show how deeply he in- 
vestigated and the clearness of his perception. 

On his return from Congress at the close of the session, he was 
chosen a member of the council of Massachusetts under the new con- 
stitution, and aided to organize a free government on a basis purely 
republican. He was also appointed chief justice, but declined serving. 

In 1777, Mr. Adams resumed his seat in Congress, and engaged in 
a course of labour unparalleled in the history of legislation. He was 
an acting member of ninety committees, chairman of twenty-five, 
chairman of the board of war and of appeals, discharged all those mul- 
tifarious duties promptly, besides participating in the debates of the 
house upon all important questions. In.December of that year he was 
appointed a commissioner to France, and embarked on board of the fri- 
gate Boston in February following, from his native town at the foot of 
Mount Wollaston. During the voyage a British armed ship was dis- 
covered, and, by the consent of Mr. Adams, Captain Tucker gave 
chase, strictly enjoining the commissioner to keep out of danger. No 
sooner had the action commenced than Mr. Adams seized a musket 
and gave the enemy a well directed shot. The captain discovering 
him in his exposed situation, said to him, "I am commanded by the 



286 JOHN ADAMS. 

Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe, and I will do 
it," and very pleasantly removed him and placed him out of danger. 

On his arrival at France he had the satisfaction to learn that Dr. 
Franklin and his colleagues had succeeded in concluding a treaty of 
alliance with the French nation. He continued in Europe a little 
more than a year and then returned home. Soon after his arrival he 
was elected to a convention of his native state convened for the pur- 
pose of perfecting a constitution for the more complete organization 
of its government. He was upon the committee to prepare this docu- 
ment, and was selected to make the draught. He produced an in- 
strument similar to that sketched for Richard Henry Lee in January 
1776, which was sanctioned and adopted. Before his duties had ter- 
minated in this convention he was appointed by Congress "a minister 
plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of com- 
merce with Great Britain." 

In October, 1779, he embarked from Boston for Europe, and after 
a long and tedious passage, he arrived at Paris in February following. 
The British ministry were not yet sufficiently humbled to do right, 
and Mr. Adams had too much sagacity to be ensnared, and too much 
moral courage to consent to any thing wrong. Anxious to benefit his 
country, on hearing that Mr. Laurens, the American commissioner to 
Holland, had been captured, he immediately repaired to that kingdom, 
and in August received a commission from Congress to negotiate a 
loan and to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with the States 
General of Holland, with instructions to accede to any treaty of neu- 
tral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress 
of the European states, then in contemplation. In a few months he 
was completely overwhelmed with diplomatic powers. He was minis- 
ter plenipotentiary to Great Britain — to the States General — to the 
prince of Orange — to all the European states for pledging the faith of 
the United States to the armed neutrality, with letters of credit to the 
Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland, and a commissioner 
to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the 
home department and foreign embassies. The duties thus devolving 
upon him, all of which he discharged with approbation, will give the 
reader some idea of the gigantic mental powers of John Adams. He 
had the same kind of intrigue to encounter as that alluded to in the 
biography of Franklin, which he met at the threshold and crushed whilst 
in embryo. 

In July, 1781, he received a summons from the court of France to 
repair immediately to Versailles to deliberate upon a plan of peace 
with England. On his arrival he had occasion for the exercise of that 
moral courage that sustained him in every dilemma. The terms 
offered did not fully recognise the rights of the United States as an 
independent sovereign nation — peace was anxiously desired and ar- 
dently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who stood at the head of 
the French cabinet — Mr. Adams desired it too, but only upon ho- 
nourable and dignified terms. The duke, who had uniformly showed 
a disposition to make the United States at least feel deeply a depen- 
dance upon France, undertook to dictate to Mr. Adams, and placed 



JOHN ADAMS. 287 

him in the position of a subordinate agent. In this project he was 
greatly mistaken. Mr. Adams recognised no dictator but the Conti- 
nental Congress and his own keen and penetrating judgment. So 
chagrined was the French duke at the independence of the American 
minister, that he wrote to the chevalier de la Luzerne, then minister 
from France in America, to lay a formal complaint against Mr. Adams 
before Congress. This he did in a very ingenious manner, but with- 
out success. As a matter of deference to their new and important 
ally, the members of Congress very partially modified the instructions 
to their minister, but did not place him under the control of the duke 
as requested. They knew the spirit of John Adams would never com- 
promise the dignity of the American name, and they reposed entire 
confidence in his ability to perceive the right, and in his moral courage 
to pursue it. It became evident that the motives of the French court 
in giving assistance to the United States were based entirely on self. 
Her objects were to humble her inveterate foe, and when that was ac- 
complished, to secure her own aggrandizement and that of Spain at 
the expense of America. I speak of the court of France, and not of 
the good Lafayette and French patriots like him. 

Finding that his presence could be of no service at Versailles, Mr. 
Adams returned to Amsterdam. Soon after this, so powerfully did 
the French minister operate upon Congress, taking the advantage of 
the reverses of the American arms, that he induced that body to add 
to the commission of Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Messrs. Jefferson, 
Jay and Laurens, with the humiliating direction, "that they should 
govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the 
king of France." The duke de Vergennes now exulted in his power, 
having been made by Congress virtually the sovereign minister of the 
United States to Great Britain. But his exultation was delusive. 
Nothing could bend Mr. Adams or Franklin, and the other commis- 
sioners became convinced of the propriety of the bold stand assumed. 
Mr. Adams wrote to Congress and exposed the plans of the duke and 
his coadjutors, and was the bold medium of communication that opened 
the eyes of its members to see and permit the commissioner to main- 
tain their true dignity, which enabled them to finally obtain an ho- 
nourable peace. He also succeeded, after surmounting many Alpine 
barriers, in negotiating a loan in Holland of eight millions of guilders, 
in September, 1782. The benefits of this loan were two-fold — it 
enabled the United States to prosecute the war with more vigour, and 
had a direct influence upon England, inducing her to make proposals 
of peace soon after this was known to lord Shelburne, then at the head 
of the British administration, which secured to the United States the 
great privileges insisted on by Mr. Adams. A provisional treaty was 
signed at Paris on the thirtieth of November, 1782, and a definitive 
treaty was signed on the third of September, 1783. This step was 
taken without consulting the duke de Vergennes, and completely 
thwarted his golden schemes of finesse. He addressed a letter of re- 
proach to the American commissioners, because they dared to proceed 
without his approbation, which they did not condescend to answer. 
The three grand points in the plan of the court of France were — in se- 



288 J0HN ADAMS. 

curing to themselves the trade and fisheries of the Unites States, and 
for Spain — the sole right of navigating the Mississippi river. 

After the important work of concluding peace with England was 
accomplished, Mr. Adams returned to Holland, where he remained a 
part of the year 1784, when he returned to France and assumed the 
duties of a commission, at the head of which he was placed, having Dr. 
Franklin and Mr. Jefferson associated with him, forming a trio of com- 
bined, various and exalted talent, never surpassed if ever equalled. 
They were empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign 
nations that desired such an arrangement with the United States. 

In 1785, Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Bri- 
tain after the acknowledgement of the independence of the United 
States by that kingdom. He was received with marked attention and 
courtesy, so far as courtly etiquette and ceremony were concerned, but 
found the ministry morose and bitter in their feelings towards the new 
republic. They were unwilling to enter into a commercial treaty, 
and seemed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations. 
Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his mission with great 
sagacity and wisdom, and patiently removed subsisting difficulties 
between the two countries. Nor did he remain passive as to the inter- 
nal affairs of his country at home. To win independence he consi- 
dered one thing, to preserve it, was a different and more difficult mat- 
ter. The theories of a republican form of government that had been 
published by Thurgot* and others, and freely circulated in America, 
he considered wild and visionary, as the transient existence of the 
French republic subsequently proved. To strip these delusive theo- 
ries of their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able dis- 
quisition on republican constitutions, which operated as a polar light 
to his own countrymen and had a powerful influence in correcting error 
and allaying prejudices in England against the government of the 
United States. His "Defence of the Constitutions" also placed him 
on a lofty eminence in view of the literati of Europe. 

In 1788, he obtained permission to return home, and in the autumn 
of the same year was elected the first vice-president of the United 
States under the federal constitution, the duties of which station he 
performed with dignity and great ability. He was a confidential coun- 
sellor of Washington, who consulted him on all important questions. 
He was re-elected in 1792, with but little opposition; and in 1796, he 
was elected president of the republic, to establish which he had perilled 
life, fortune and honour. At this time party spirit had commenced its 
career of venality and his election was warmly contested. His oppo- 
nent, Mr. Jefferson, received sixty-eight votes and Mr. Adams seventy- 
one. During all the effervescence of party feeling, which arrayed 
father against son and cut asunder the long cherished ties of friend- 
ship between thousands, these two great men remained personal friends, 
showing at once the magnanimity of their minds and the folly of low 
minded foaming partizans. It was then that the American press first 

* Thurgot said of Franklin— "He first snatched the thunderbolt from Jove, and 
then the sceptre from kings." 



JOHN ADAMS. 289 

descended from its lofty and legitimate eminence and planted its be- 
fore unsullied feet in the obloquious quagmire of party spirit. Since 
that time partisan presses have been sinking deeper and deeper, until 
some of them, pro et con., have become so deeply planted in the filth 
and scum of personal abuse and political slander, that, to use a simile, 
Archimedes, with the mighty powers of his lever, could not raise them 
to their pristine elevation in half a century. So far were matters car- 
ried by his political friends against the public measures of Mr. Adams 
in 1800, that Mr. Jefferson was compelled, from a sense of duty, to 
rebuke the slanders that were uttered, in the following emphatic lan- 
guage, which becomes more forcible from the fact that his own private 
character had been shamefully attacked by those who supported his 
political opponent. 

"Gentlemen, you do not know that man — there is not upon earth a 
more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no 
part of his character — of that, he is utterly incapable. It is not 
in his nature to meditate any thing that he would not publish to 
the world. The measures of the general government are a fair sub- 
ject for difference of opinion — but do not found your opinions on the 
notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, 
in the character of John Adams, for I know him well, and I repeat — that 
a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of his Crea- 
tor." 

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent dis- 
charge of his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the 
glory of his country. His administration, however, became unpopu- 
lar, and at the expiration of his term the democratic party triumphed, 
and he retired to Quincy, to once more enjoy the long lost comforts of 
retirement. Much has been written upon the causes that produced 
the political overthrow of Mr. Adams. To my mind the solution is 
brief aud plain. His cabinet was not of his own choosing — he was too 
independent to bend to party management — he opposed the humiliat- 
ing demands of the then self-styled democratic France — he advocated, 
most earnestly, the augmentation of the navy of the United States, and 
recommended the law for suppressing the venality of the press. In 
the two first points he was impolitic as the head of a party — in the 
two next, he did what all now acknowledge to be right — and in the 
last, he took the wrong method to correct one of the most alarming 
evils of that day* — an evil that still hangs over our country like an 
incubus. The three last were the strong points seized upon by parti- 
sans, and were rendered extremely unpopular, and enabled his oppo- 
nents to defeat his re-election. He retired with a good grace, and re- 
mained the personal friend of his rival until the day of his death. He 
supported the policy of Mr. Jeflerson towards England, and ap- 
proved of the declaration of war in 1812. In writing to a friend, in 
July of that year, he remarked: 

"To your allusion to the war, I have nothing to say — but that it is 
with surprise that I hear it pronounced, not only in the newspapers, 
but by persons in authority, ecclesiastical and civil, and political and 
military — that the declaration of it was altogether unexpected * * * 

o7 



990 JOHN ADAMS. 

How it is possible that a rational, a social or a moral creature can say 
the war is unjust, is to me utterly incomprehensible. How it can 
be said to be unnecessary, is very mysterious. I have thought it ne- 
cessary for live or six years. How it can be said to be unexpected, is 
another wonder. I have expected it more than five-and-twenty years, 
and have great reason to be thankful that it has been postponed so 
long." 

He attributed the opposition ot the eastern states to the war to the 
impolicy of the government in not cherishing the navy, and compared 
them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Bri- 
seis, withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The augmentation of 
the navy was the ne plus ultra of his national policy, and had his 
views upon this point been carried out by our government, our 
nation would now have been mistress of the seas, instead of having 
scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of 
our enterprising merchants — a fact that has become a by-word among 
other nations, and has often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal minded 
Americans. 

Soon after his retirement he was offered the gubernatorial chair of 
his native state, but declined the honour on account of his advanced 
age — but continued to take a deep interest in the welfare of his 
country, and wrote many essays and letters in favour of liberal prin- 
ciples and American rights. After the retirement of Mr. Jefferson, a 
most happy and interesting correspondence was continued between 
these two great apostles of liberty. In 1815, Mr. Adams had the 
gratifying pleasure of seeing his son at the head of the diplomatic com- 
mission to conclude a second treaty with Great Britain, which carried 
his mind back, with all the enthusiastic force of an old man's memo- 
ry, to the scenes of 1782-3, when he had performed and executed a 
similar mission. In 1817, he was placed at the head of the list of pre- 
sidential electors, and three years after was elected president of the 
convention that revised the constitution he had written forty years 
previous. The compliment was duly appreciated by him, but his 
infirmities did not permit him to preside over the deliberations of that 
body, although he imparted his counsels and aided greatly in the re- 
vision. This was the last public act of this great man — the curtain of 
the political drama then closed upon him for ever. Two years pre- 
vious the partner of his bosom had gone to her final rest, which was an 
affliction most keenly felt by him. For more than half a century she 
had shared with him the pains and pleasures of their eventful career, 
and had always met the events of life with christian fortitude. Sur- 
rounded by friends who delighted to honour him, his country prosper- 
ous and happy, enjoying the full fruition of divine grace, which had 
produced the fruits of unsophisticated piety through a long life, poli- 
tical animosities buried in oblivion, his now frail bark glided smoothly 
down the stream of time until the fiftieth anniversary of independence 
dawned upon his beloved country. On the morning of the fourth of 
July, 1826, an unexpected debility seized him, and he was unable to 
leave his bed, but no one imagined he was standing on the last inch of 
his time. He was asked for a sentiment, to be given for him at the 



JOHN ADAMS. 291 

celebration on that day — "independence for ever," burst from his 
dying lips, which were the last words that he ever uttered, with a 
loud and animated voice. About four o'clock in the afternoon he ex- 
pired — without an apparent pain, a groan, a murmur or a sigh, with a 
lull assurance of a happy reception in that brighter world, where sin 
and sorrow never cross the peaceful path of the angelic throng. On 
the same day, and but a few hours previous, the immortal spirit of the 
illustrious Jefferson had left its prison of clay, thrown off its mortal 
coil, and perhaps took its kindred in its flight, and they together 
"ascended in essence to an ecstatic meeting with the friends they 
had loved and lost, and whom they should still love and never lose," 
there to enjoy, through the rolling ages of eternity, the blissful scenes 
of angelic purity — the smiles and favours of their .Saviour and their 
God. 

This unparalleled combination of extraordinary circumstances pro- 
duced a deep and unusual sensation in the United States and in Eu- 
rope. The simultaneous departure of two of the noblest spirits that 
ever graced the great theatre of human life, illuminating the world 
around them with freedom — whose actions had resounded through the 
universe — whose mighty deeds had been and will continue to be a 
theme of wonder and admiration to the end of time — was an incident 
that seemed designed by the great Jehovah, to impress their precepts, 
their examples and their names upon the minds of men with all the 
force of god-like divinity. 

Mr. Adams was a plain man; low in stature, not graceful in his 
movements, and was sometimes abrupt and repulsive. His manners 
were rather austere and unbending in public, but in the social circle, 
with his relatives and friends, he was familiar, pleasing and entertain- 
ing. He was not partial to ceremonious etiquette, and was averse to 
pedantry. Plain strong common sense he practised and admired. He 
spoke his sentiments freely, and could never have been transformed 
into a technical politican, even had he enjoyed the magic advantages 
of modern schools. His open frankness was proverbial, and he often 
alluded to it as one of his failings. When once in Stewart's room of 
paintings, he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington, and then 
upon his own, and observing the compressed mouth of the former and 
the open lips of the latter, facetiously remarked as he pointed to it — 
"Ah! that fellow never could keep his mouth shut." This circum- 
stance alone did much to enhance his unpopularity as a party poli- 
tician. 

In the brilliant career of this great and good man the reader must 
discover a higher and holier eulogy than language can express. For 
more than fifty years he served his country ably and faithfully in a 
public capacity, and continued to impart his counsels until the cur- 
tain of death shut him from the world. In all the relations of private 
life he stood upon a lofty eminence — beyond the reach of slander. 
The escutcheon of his social name was too pure for the approach of 
the foulest of all pestiferous atmospheres — that of party spirit. And 
now, as his ashes rest in the peaceful grave, that hydra monster dare 
not impute to his actions in life a spark of political dishonesty 



292 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

or impurity of motive, however much he differed from other great 
men in his views, lest the voice of Jefferson should proclaim to them 
from the tomb — An honester man than John Adams never issued 

FROM THE HANDS OF THE CREATOR. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

This revered name stands associated with every amiable and noble 
quality to which mortal man can attain on this dim revolving ball of 
human action. A sacred halo encircles it, that renders it dear to 
every philanthropist and respected by the whole civilized world. I 
am aware that his merits cannot be enhanced by eulogy, nor could 
detraction ever tarnish the glory of his fame. I am aware that the 
whole magazine of language has been exhausted in his praise. I am 
aware that talents of the highest order, hearts of the warmest devo- 
tion, imaginations of the happiest conception, united with the most 
refined and thrilling eloquence, have portrayed, in bold and glowing 
colours, the fair fame of Washington. To delineate fully and clearly 
the virtues of this great and good man, would require an angel's pen 
dipped in etherial fire, and an angel's hand to guide it. His life can- 
not be too often reviewed; his examples cannot be too closely imi- 
tated. Like some magnificent scenes of nature, his history is 

"Ever charming, ever new, 

The prospect never tires the view." 

The lustre of his virtues was of that celestial character, that, like the 
luminary of day, it is seen and felt, but cannot be fully described. His 
picture is one on which we may gaze with increased delight, and dis- 
cover new beauties to the last. His memory should be rehearsed by 
every print in our land; every new press and fount of type should 
spread, in glowing capitals, the name of the beloved, the illustrious 
WASHINGTON. The aged sire should impress it on the hearts of the 
rising generation; the mother should teach it to her lisping babe; the 
preceptor should point his pupils to this polar star of virtue, goodness 
and magnanimity; and the friends of union, liberty and order, should 
read often, carefully and attentively, the biography of the father of 
our country. These are deemed reasons sufficiently strong to prompt 
this humble effort to delineate the interesting career of the man who 
was first in peace — terrible in war — the friend of humanity — the Hero 
of American Independence — and the founder of our country's glory. 
To me, the subject possesses a peculiar zest, fraught with pleasure 
and delight. 

George Washington was born in the county of Fairfax, Virginia, 
on the 22nd of February, 1732. He lost his father at an early age, 
and to the wisdom of his mother he declared himself indebted for the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293 

correct formation of his youthful mind. Matrons of America, if the 
mother of Washington moulded his mind with such beauty and great- 
ness, how much may you do to perpetuate, through your sons, the 
prosperity and happiness of your favoured country! Train their 
youthful minds in wisdom's ways; guide them in the paths of virtue 
and patriotism; teach them to love their country and its liberty; and 
to prize, dearer than life, the sacred boon of freedom that was nobly 
won and sacredly transmitted by the sages and patriots of '76. 

Washington, during his childhood and youth, exhibited a strong 
and enquiring mind. His habits were those of industry, perseverance 
and stability. He was assiduous in his studies and enriched his me- 
mory with solid and useful knowledge. He possessed a large share of 
merit and modesty, which gained for him the love and esteem of all 
who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. He was frank, open, 
generous, humane and honest. Nothing could induce him to utter a 
falsehood, practice deceit, or disobey his fond mother. He soared above 
the vain and trifling amusements that so often divert youth from wis- 
dom's ways. He was designed to be a star of the first magnitude on 
the great theatre of action; he studied well his part before he entered 
upon the stage, and when the curtain rose, he was prepared for his 
audience, acquitted himself nobly, and retired amidst the plaudits and 
cheers of astonished and admiring millions. 

His talents and merit attracted the attention of Governor Dinwiddie, 
who then presided over Virginia, the frontiers of which were greatly 
annoyed by the French and Indians. It was deemed necessary to send 
a messenger to them, demanding the reasons for their unprovoked hos- 
tility, and, if possible, to induce them to evacuate their forts, smoke 
the pipe of peace and disperse. Young Washington, then only twen- 
ty-one years of age, was selected to perform this important mission, 
which was fraught with dangers on every side. His path lay through 
a dense wilderness for four hundred miles, inhabited by roving In- 
dians seeking for prey. He undertook the hazardous enterprise and 
arrived at his place of destination in safety. Whilst the French com- 
mandant was writing an answer to Governor Dinwiddie, Washington, 
unobserved, took the dimensions of the fort and returned unmolested. 
It was soon found necessary to raise a regiment of troops to arrest 
the bloody career of the savages on the frontiers. Washington was 
placed in command over them with the commission of colonel, and 
marched towards the Great Meadows in April, 1754. On his way he 
surprised and captured a body of the enemy. On his arrival at the 
Great Meadows he erected a small stockade fort, very appropriately 
naming it Fort Necessity. Here he was reinforced, swelling his little 
army to four hundred men. He then made preparations to attack 
Fort Du Quesne (now Pittsburgh,) but soon learned that the enemy 
was advancing upon him to the number of 1500 men, commanded by 
M. de Villiers. The attack was soon commenced with great fury, 
and continued for several hours, when the French commander offered 
terms of capitulation and was glad to permit the young champion to 
march away unmolested. This brilliant and bold adventure placed 
the talents of Washington high on the scale of eminence, as a bold, 



294 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

skilful and prudent officer. It occurred on the 4th of July, a happy 
prelude to the glorious 4th of '76, the grand birth-day of American 
Independence. 

The following year another expedition was sent against Fort Du 
Quesne of about two thousand troops, under the command of the un- 
fortunate General Braddock, who had more courage than prudence, 
more self-conceit than wisdom. He spurned the advice of the "beard- 
less boy," and rushed into a snare, where he and nearly half of his 
army met the cold embrace of death. The deliberate courage and 
superior skill of Washington, by a judicious retreat, saved the re- 
mainder from the bloody tomahawk and scalping-knife. He arrived 
with them safe at Fort Cumberland. By his rashness, Braddock led 
his men into an ambuscade of about five hundred French and Indians, 
who were secreted in three deep ravines forming a triangle, secure 
from danger unless charged, where he remained with them until he 
had five horses shot under him, nearly half of his men cut down, him- 
self mortally wounded, and not an enemy to be seen. One hundred 
men headed by Washington, with fixed bayonets, would have dis- 
persed them in ten minutes. 

Washington, unwilling to witness again such waste of human life, 
resigned his military command and retired to private life. But his 
sterling talents were not suffered to remain long inactive. He was 
elected to the legislature from Frederick, and subsequently from Fair- 
fax, and was highly respected as a wise, discerning legislator, exhi- 
biting a mind imbued with philanthropy and liberal principles, guided 
by a clear judgment and a sound discretion, adorned by a retiring 
modesty, too rare in men of talent. 

From this field of action, Washington entered one of greater mag- 
nitude and importance, big with events, involving consequences of 
the deepest interest to himself, to his country, and to the world. 
After serving the mother country in the French war with blood and 
treasure, after submitting to taxation, oppression, and insult for years, 
the colonists resolved to burst the chains of slavery, throw oft" the 
shackles of tyranny, and assume their native dignity. Every source 
of redress had been exhausted; every avenue of conciliation had been 
explored; more than reason could demand had been offered; all that 
was clearly right, and much that was clearly wrong, the pilgrims had 
submitted to, and still their ungracious, their unfeeling, their blinded 
mother, cried give — give — give. They had not dreamed of indepen- 
dence; they had only demanded sheer justice; this being denied, they 
resorted to the last, the only alternative. Instead of submitting to 
taxation, without representation — instead of yielding obedience to the 
pernicious stamp act, they stamped their names with unfading glory, 
their country with lasting fame. In the autumn of 1774, the first 
great Congress of the American nation assembled at Philadelphia, of 
which Washington was a member. The solemnities of that thrilling 
scene have been repeatedly alluded to as of the most imposing cha- 
racter. No one felt them more deeply than the father of our country. 
When the proceedings were opened by prayer, Washington alone was 
upon his knees. His mind, on all occasions, seems to have reached to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295 

heaven, his soul seemed to dwell in the bosom of his God. Devoted, 
unsophisticated and humble piety marked his whole life — a piety sin- 
cere in its motives and consistent in all its exhibitions. But Wash- 
ington was not to remain in the hall of the Continental Congress. A 
mighty work was in store for him. On the memorable 19th of April, 
1775, on the heights of Lexington, American blood was spilt by order 
of Major Pitcairn. Justice looked at the purple current as it flowed, 
and sighed ; mercy carried the sad news to the etherial skies; the eagle 
of liberty caught the mournful sound, descended in a stream of liquid 
lire, planted the torch of freedom in the serum of the bleeding patriots 
and bid eternal defiance to the British lion. 

The effect was electrical. The alarm spread with the rapidity of 
lightning. It was sounded from church-bells and signal-guns; echo car- 
ried it from hills to dales, from sire to son. Vengeance was roused 
from its lair; the hardy yeomanry left their ploughs in the furrow; 
the merchant forsook his counting-house; the professional man his 
office; the minister his pulpit; and with powder-horn and slug, 
shouldered their rusty muskets, hastened to the scene of action deter- 
mined to avenge their injured rights, defend their bleeding country, 
or perish in the attempt. The implements of husbandry were ex- 
changed for those of war; the mechanic shop, the bar, the desk and 
the forum, were exchanged for the dangers and fatigues of the army. 
A band of veterans arose, with "hearts of oak and nerves of steel," 
headed by that bright luminary the illustrious Washington, who stood 
forth the champions of Liberty, the advocates of Freedom; resolved 
upon emancipation or death; pledging their lives, their fortunes, and 
their sacred honours in defence of their common country; looking to 
Heaven for strength, guidance and support. Illustrious heroes! dis- 
interested patriots! yours exceeded all Greek, all Roman fame. 

In June following, Washington was appointed by the unanimous 
voice of the Continental Congress commander-in-chief of the Ameri- 
can armies. This appointment he accepted with diffidence and reluc- 
tance, feeling that it involved responsibilities, consequences and re- 
sults too mighty for him to assume, too vast for him to encounter. 

He did not view it as the field of glory, of conquest, of ambition, 
or of fame. He did not thirst for human blood or exult in the pro- 
fession of arms. Love of country, of liberty, of human rights, of 
liberal principles, and the oppressive chains of tyranny, prompted him 
to action. 

Before his arrival at Cambridge, to enter upon the important duties 
of his command, the fortress of Crown Point and Ticonderoga had 
fallen into the hands of the colonists. 

The sanguinary battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, which con- 
vinced the British that men contending for their just rights, their 
dearest interests, their bosoms fired with indignation and patriotism, 
could not be made to yield to the glittering arms of a haughty mo- 
narch without a bold and daring effort to maintain that liberty which 
they had received at their birth from the hands of their Creator. 

War now assumed a serious aspect, the bloody toils of the revolu- 
tion commenced. England poured in her legions by thousands, and, 



296 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

to cap the climax of the terrific scene, called to her aid the blood- 
thirsty Indian with his tomahawk and scalping-knife. The welkin 
rang with the savage war-whoop and the expiring groans of mothers 
and babes. The contest seemed to be that of an infant with a giant, a 
lamb with a lion. The dark clouds blackened as they rose, charged 
with the fury of demons and the lightning of revenge. 

Washington viewed their fiery aspect with calm serenity, heard 
their portentous roar without a tremor. With a soul reaching to 
heaven, he met the awful crisis with firmness and wisdom before un- 
known; his gigantic mind soared above the highest pinnacle difficulty 
could rear; his course was onward towards the goal of Liberty; be- 
neath his conquering arm monarchy trembled, tottered and fell. 

His whole energy was now directed to the organization of the army 
and a preparation for future action. An important expedition was 
planned against Canada, which was attended with great hardship, 
boldness and perseverance. It was entrusted to Generals Montgo- 
mery and Schuyler, who were subsequently followed by Arnold. It 
was crowned with success, until an unfortunate attack was made 
upon Quebec, where the brave Montgomery fell with many other 
valuable officers and soldiers. The ensuing spring the American army 
evacuated Canada. The. royal governors in some of the colonies, by 
the aid of Jthe king's troops, still maintained the authority of the 
crown, but they were soon compelled to flee on board of the British 
ships of war, where they issued their proclamations with about as 
much effect as the puffing of a porpoise. 

Early in March, 1776, Washington appeared before Boston, where 
lord Howe had concentrated his army, and took a position that induc- 
ed the English general to evacuate the town on the 17th of the same 
month. In July, the fort on Sullivan's Island was attacked by Gene- 
ral Clinton and Sir Peter Parker, and after an action of ten hours, 
Sir Peter was compelled to retire with his silk breeches disfigured by 
the rudeness of a cannon ball, his ships badly torn to pieces by the 
rebel artillery, and two hundred of his men killed and wounded. 
The fort was defended by Colonel Moultrie with about five hundred 
men, with twenty-six nine and eighteen pounders. Sir Peter had two 
fifty gun ships, four frigates and several small vessels, with three 
thousand veteran troops. There was so much elasticity in the south- 
ern climate on this occasion, that the royalists did not venture there 
again for nearly two years. 

On the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, a member from Virginia, 
made a motion in Congress to break off' all allegiance with the mother 
country, and assume the rightful dignity of a free and independent 
nation. This resulted in the appointment of Thomas Jefferson, John 
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Philip Livingston, 
a committee to draft a declaration of independence; and, on the 4th of 
July, they arose in all the majesty of greatness, and in view of an ad- 
miring heaven and an astonished world, published that master-piece 
of composition which gave us national birth, absolved us from kingly 
power, planted the tree of liberty deep in our soil, and showed to anxious 
and gazing millions, that a nation could be born in a day and live. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 997 

Language can never express, and none but those who witnessed the. 
thrilling scene can fully conceive with what enthusiastic joy this de- 
claration was received by the people. The bells sounded a requiem 
and funeral knell for monarchy; illuminations and roaring artillery 
quickly conveyed the glad news from the central arch of the union to 
its remotest bounds; the blazing torch of liberty rose, like a pillar of 
fire, to guide the patriots in their onward march; on the wings of 
thanksgiving and praise the happy tidings ascended to the throne of 
heaven, received the sanction of Jehovah's high authority, and were 
recorded by the hand of justice, with an angel's pen, in the book of 
everlasting fame. Kindred hearts mingled in joy and gratitude, and 
every freeman shouted a hearty response — a loud AMEN. 

On the 2nd of July, Admiral and General Howe landed near the 
narrows, nine miles below the city of New York, with twenty-four 
thousand men. They sent an insulting communication to Washing- 
ton, which he very properly refused to receive. That part of the 
American army stationed at Brooklyn, under the command of Gene- 
ral Sullivan, was attacked and defeated with great loss, on the 27th 
of August; and Generals Sullivan, Sterling and Woodhull were 
taken prisoners. Two days after, Washington planned and effected 
a retreat, and landed the troops from Long Island safely in New 
York, before the movement was discovered by the enemy. Cha- 
grined and mortified at the loss of their prey, the British prepared to 
attack the city, which induced the Americans to evacuate it and re- 
tire to White Plains. Here they were attacked on the 28th of Sep- 
tember* the British were repulsed, a considerable loss was sustained 
on both sides, neither party gaining a decided advantage. The dis- 
asters of the patriots multiplied rapidly; fort Washington and fort 
Lee fell into the hands of the English, and the American armv was 
flying before a barbarous and conquering foe. 

Washington crossed the Hudson, and retreated through New Jersey 
into Pennsylvania, with Lord Cornwallis pressing on his rear. His 
army was now reduced to three thousand men, who were destitute of 
almost every comfort of life; they could be tracked by blood from 
their naked feet on the frozen ground; disaster had chilled the zeal 
of many leading men who at first espoused the cause of liberty; a 
cloud of fiery indignation hung over the bleeding colonies, ready to 
devour them. But in the archives of heaven their freedom was re- 
corded; guardian angels directed their destiny; the bold career of 
the lion was arrested; this Spartan band was crowned with victory, 
and the red coats, in their turn, beat a retreat. 

On the night of the 25th of December, Washington recrossed the 
Delaware amidst the floating ice, surprised and took one thousand 
of the enemy prisoners at Trenton, pushed on to Princeton, killed 
sixty more, took three hundred prisoners, and spread consternation 
in the ranks of the British army. These successes removed much of 
the gloom and despondency that hung over the cause. Washington 
retired to Morristown for the winter; the English occupied Bruns- 
wick. In the spring of 1777, the army of Washington amounted to 
about seven thousand men. No action occurred between the main 
38 



298 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

armies until in August, when the British landed in Maryland with 
the intention of capturing Philadelphia. 

On the 11th of September the two armies met at Brandywine; a 
desperate battle ensued, and partial victory attended the English 
army. On the approach of the enemy Philadelphia was abandoned 
and Congress retired to Lancaster. Another severe battle was fought 
at Germantown on the 4th of October, which proved disastrous to 
Washington, owing to a thick fog, by which his troops became sepa- 
rated and thrown into confusion. These keen misfortunes were much 
alleviated by the capture of the whole British army in the north under 
Burgoyne, by General Gates, on the 17th of October. The surrender 
of Burgoyne had a happy effect at home and abroad. France, on the 
reception of this news, recognised the independence of the United 
States, entered into a treaty of alliance, and furnished important 
aid in advancing the glorious cause, and sent many of her bravest 
sons to the rescue. 

The treaty of alliance between the United States and France, and 
the loss of their northern army, induced the English to evacuate 
Philadelphia in the spring of 1778, and retreat to New York. From 
there they made frequent descents upon various places, burning and 
destroying property, murdering the inhabitants, and spreading deso- 
lation wherever they went. 

An expedition was sent to Georgia which proved successful, and 
the south now became the principal theatre of action. Many feats of 
bravery were performed, but no decisive battle occurred between the 
main armies. The same mode of warfare characterized the cam- 
paign of 1779, the British seeming to aim more at predatory excur- 
sions than pitched battles, which they performed with a savage bar- 
barity, disgraceful to themselves and heart-rending to humanity. 

The exertions of Washington were almost paralyzed for the want 
of men and money; the French Admiral, D'Estaing, was unfortunate 
in all his movements, and the British lion was prowling through the 
land in all the majesty of cruelty. The anchor of hope could scarcely 
keep the shattered bark of liberty to its moorings; the cable of exer- 
tion lost thread after thread, until a small band of sages and heroes, 
who formed the nucleus, were left to contend with the fury of the 
storm that rolled its fiery and foaming surges over them. 

The campaign of 1780 opened favourably to the royal arms, but 
more exertion was used on the part of the Americans. General 
Sumpter gave the British much trouble in the south, and a consider- 
able force from the north was on its march to avenge the blood of 
slaughtered victims. The cruelties of the enemy had re-illumined 
the cause of freedom, and the people once more rallied around her 
sacred banner, determined on death or victory. 

The southern- army was now put under the command of General 
Gates, the hero of Saratoga — fresh aid arrived from France and the 
conflict was renewed with fury and desperation. On the 18th ot 
August the two armies met near Camden, S. C, — a decided ad- 
vantage was gained by Lord Cornwallis. But defeat and misfortune 
no longer disheartened the friends of liberty. In the midst ot adver- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299 

sity they rose like a phoenix from ashes, and hurled, with the fury of 
Mars, the thunderbolts of vengeance amongst their enemies. 

The battle of theCowpens.on the 17th of January, 1781, shed new 
lustre on the American arms. General Morgan there met the high- 
toned Colonel Tarleton, killed rising of one hundred men, wounded 
two hundred, took five hundred prisoners, two pieces of cannon, twelve 
standards, eight hundred muskets, thirty-five baggage wagons, one 
hundred dragoon horses, with a loss of only twelve killed and sixty 
wounded. His force amounted to only five hundred militia and a 
few regulars — that of Tarleton to over one thousand regulars, the 
flower of the British army. 

Morgan now effected a junction with General Green, who had suc- 
ceeded General Gates, and on the 8th of March they met the forces 
of Lord Cornwallis at Guilford court-house, where an obstinate battle 
was fought and the Americans compelled to leave the field. On the 
9th of April General Green again put his troops in motion — on the 
25th the two armies once more measured arms, — Green was compelled 
to retreat — not before a pursuing- toe, but towards the British garrison 
Ninety-Six, which he reached and besieged on the 22nd of May, and 
gave it a hearty salute* but on the approach of Lord Rawdon with 
a large force, he modestly retired to the Santee hills to spend the hot 
and sickly season. In the meantime the English army encamped at 
Eutaw Springs, where Green renewed the attack on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, and after a hard fought action, in which neither gained a de- 
cided victory, the enemy retired to Charleston, with a loss in killed, 
wounded and prisoners, of eleven hundred men. The Americans lost 
five hundred and fifty-five. 

Although General" Green had not gained any decided victory, he 
had gained many advantages and greatly weakened the enemy. Ge- 
nerals Lee and Wayne had been more successful, and the British 
were annoyed and harassed in every quarter — volunteers nocked 
around their beloved Washington, and the tide of war turned in his 
favour. 

The patriotic Lafayette was now in the field. Morgan, Wayne, 
Greene and Lee were at their posts. Count de Grasse was co-ope- 
rating with his fleet; and, in their turn, the English lords, admirals 
and generals, found themselves surrounded with impending danger. 
An awful crisis awaited them — retribution stared them in the face — 
their deeds of blood haunted their guilty souls, and consternation 
seized their troubled minds. Lord Cornwallis hastened to concentrate 
his forces at Yorktown, which he fortified in the best possible manner. 

On the 6th of October the combined forces of Washington and Ro- 
chambeau commenced a siege upon this place, which surrendered on 
the 19th of the same month. The grand Rubicon was now passed, the 
colonies were free — the work was finished. This was the dying 
struggle of British monarchy in America. The last expiring hope of 
conquering the colonies now fled for ever. Heaven had decreed tbey 
should be free — that decree was now consummated. The eagle of 
liberty, like Jordan's dove, descended — pronounced a benediction 
upon the conquering heroes — snatched the laurels from Britain's 



300 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

brow and placed them triumphantly upon the champions of American 
Independence. To the friends of Freedom the scene was grand and 
joyful— to the enemies of Liberty, it was painful and humiliating. 

The result of this victory was hailed with joy, and placed Washing- 
ton on the lofty summit of immortal fame — gave freedom to his bleed- 
ing country — sealed the foundations of our republic, now towering to 
the skies — prepared an asylum for the oppressed, and planted deep 
in Columbia's soil the long nursed tree of liberty. 

On the 30th of September, 1783, a definitive treaty was signed at 
Paris by Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, on the part of Great Bri- 
tain, and by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and Henry 
Laurens, on the part of the United States. 

On the second of November, Washington issued his farewell orders 
to his army, in terms of affectionate eloquence and parental solicitude. 
On the 3d, the troops were disbanded by Congress, and, with mingling 
tears of joy and gratitude, they once more repaired to their homes to 
meet the warm embrace of friends, and reap the fruit of their toils and 
fatigues— no longer embittered by the iron scourge of despotism. On 
the 23d of December, Washington appealed in the hall of Congress 
and resigned his commission. This last act was one of grandeur and 
thrilling interest. The past, the present and the future, were all in 
the mind of this great and good man, as he invoked the blessings of 
Heaven to descend and guide the destinies of his beloved, his emanci- 
pated country. Every heart beat quicker and higher — his commis- 
sion was laid upon the table — a burst of applause rent the air, a flood 
of tears closed the scene. 

The people of the United States, no longer under the paternal care of 
their old mother, were now left to try the experiment of self-government. 
Difficulties arose from local jealousies and interests — a debt of forty 
millions of dollars had been contracted — government paper became 
greatly depreciated — the public credit could not be sustained, and the 
liberty that the patriots had fought and bled to obtain, seemed doomed 
to a premature dissolution and to be lost in the whirlpool of anarchy and 
confusion. In view of these accumulating difficulties, commissioners 
from every state, except Rhode Island, convened at Philadelphia, for 
the purpose of devising means to preserve and perfect that freedom 
which had cost millions of treasure and fountains of noble blood. 
Washington was unanimously elected president of this august body. 
After long deliberation, the labours of the delegates resulted in the 
production of the federal constitution, one of the brightest specimens 
of legislation on record. It is the polar star of freedom, the great 
palladium of our liberty, the golden chain that connects our union, the 
grand rallying point of republicans, a shield against innovation and 
corruption, a terror to tyrants, a shining light to patriots, and stamps 
with immortal and lasting fame the names of its illustrious authors. 

This was reported to Congress on the 17th of September, received 
their warm approbation, and was immediately sent to the several 
states for their consideration, all of which gave it their sanction, ex- 
cept North Carolina and Rhode Island — the former of which acceded 
to it in 1789, the latter in 1790. A degree of confidence was then 
restored, and from that time down to the present our nation has rolled 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301 

on in the full tide of successful experiment, and enjoyed an increasing 
and towering prosperity without a parallel in the annals of history. 
The star-spangled banner waves on every sea, and is respected by 
every nation in the civilized world: our improvements at home have 
marched in advance of the boldest views of the most visionary pro- 
jector, the fondest anticipations of their most ardent friends. 

By the unanimous voice of a free and grateful people, Washington 
was elected the first president of the new republic, and, with the same 
modest diffidence that had marked his whole career, he took the oath 
of office on the 30th of April, 1789, in the city of New York, in the 
presence of the first Congress under the new constitution, and in the 
presence of a crowded assembly, who deeply felt and strongly ex- 
pressed their love and gratitude to him. He then entered upon the 
important duties that devolved upon him. 

A revenue was to be raised, the judiciary system to be organized, 
its officers to be appointed, a cabinet to be formed and every depart- 
ment of government to be established on a basis at once firm, impar- 
tial, just and humane. In performing these various and arduous du- 
ties he exhibited great wisdom, a sound discretion, a clear head and 
good heart. In the cabinet, as in the field, prudence and deliberation 
guided his every action. He was found equal to every emergency and 
duty that his country demanded at his hands — he acted up to, but never 
exceeded the bounds of delegated authority — an angel could do no 
more — Washington did no less. During his administration of eight 
years he put forth the noblest energies of his lucid mind to advance the 
prosperity of his country — meliorate the condition of those who were 
suffering from the effects of a protracted war — improve the state of 
society, arts, science, agriculture and commerce — disseminate general 
intelligence — allay local difficulties — and render the infant republic 
as happy and glorious as it was free and independent. 

His exertions were crowned with success; his fondest anticipations 
were realized; he finished the work his country had called him to per- 
form; the government stood on a basis firm as the rock of ages, and, 
on the 4th of March, 1797", he resigned his power to the sovereign 
people, retired from public life, honoured and loved by his fellow-citi- 
zens, respected and admired by a gazing world, and crowned with an 
unsullied fame that will endure unimpaired the revolutions of time. 

He then retired to Mount Vernon to enjoy once more the felicity 
of domestic retirement and the sweets of his own fireside. He had 
served his country long and ably; he could look back upon a life well 
and nobly spent in the cause of human rights, liberal principles and 
universal philanthropy. 

For his arduous services during the revolution Washington took no 
compensation, and virtually paid about three-fourths of his own ex- 
penses. He only charged his actual disbursements, for each item of 
which he produced a written voucher. He made a book entry of every 
business transaction with as much system as if he had enjoyed the quiet 
of a counting-room. A fac simile of his journal is now before me, which 
has been politely furnished by Timothy Caldwell, Esq. of the city of 
Philadelphia, one of the few survivors of "the times that tried men's 
souls." 



302 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

The first entry is dated the 22nd of June, 1775, and marked No. 1. 
£239. It commences with the outfit of the commander-in-chief and 
his staff' at Philadelphia, and the expenses of the journey to Cam- 
bridge, immediately after his appointment by Congress, amounting to 
£466 2s. 10c?. lawful money. But £3 of this amount was drawn 
from government at that time. The balance was furnished from his 
own pocket and credit, having received from Thomas Mifflin, Esq., 
£129 8s. Zd. The account current which is before me runs through 
a period of eight years, at the end of which time a balance was due to 
him of £1972 9s. Ad. His expenses for the eight years amounted to 
£16311 17s, Id. He received $104,364 paper money, after March 
1780, and passed it to the credit of the United States at forty for one, 
agreeably to the scale of depreciation, for which he did not obtain one 
for a hundred, by reason of which a large proportion of his expenses 
were actually paid with his own private money, for which he refused 
any remuneration. His expenses during his presidential terms ex- 
ceeded his salary over five thousand dollars a year, which he paid 
from his private funds. 

Had I time and power to trace the fair lines of Washington's pri- 
vate worth and routine of life, I would present the picture of a man 
graced with native dignity, reducing all things around him to as per- 
fect a system of order, economy, harmony and peace, as was ever 
devised by man. It should be chastened with sterling merit and 
magnanimity, and mellowed with benevolence and charity. It should 
be enlivened by the richest colours of virtue and consistency, and 
finished with the finest touches of a master's hand. I would crown 
it with an amaranthine bouquet, richer and sweeter than the epic or 
civic wreath that decked his brow in the public view of an admiring 
world. He was a pattern of all that was great and good — the widow's 
solace, the orphan's father, the bountiful benefactor, the faithful friend, 
the kind husband, the true patriot, the humble christian, the worthy 
citizen and the honest man. 

With the exception of his appointment to preside over the Ameri- 
can army in 1798, when France threatened an invasion, Washington 
was relieved from any further participation in public affairs. He 
continued to live at Vernon's sacred mount until the 14th of Decem- 
ber, 1799, when his immortal spirit left its tenement of clay, soared 
aloft on angel's wings to realms of ceaseless bliss, there to receive 
a crown of unfading glory, as the reward of a spotless life spent in 
the service of his country and his God. 

His body was deposited in the family tomb, where its ashes slumber 
in peace, amidst the groves of his loved retreat.* This hallowed spot 
is visited yearly by large numbers, who approach it with veneration, 
gratitude and awe. Foreigners are proud to say they have visited the 
tomb of Washington — all nations revere his memory, unborn millions 
will perpetuate his praise. 

His history, like that of our nation, is without a parallel. Unblemished 

* Since writing this sketch I have been informed, that when the remains of 
Washington were placed in the sarcophagus prepared for their reception, in the 
autumn of 1837, his face retained its fleshy appearance and was but slightly 
changed — a fact as remarkable as the history of his life. 



PATRICK HENRY. 303 

virtue marked his whole career, philanthropy his whole course, justice 
and integrity his every action. A calm resignation to the will of God, 
under the most trying circumstances and under every dispensation, 
added a brilliant lustre to all his amiable qualities. His course was 
not tarnished with bold strides of misguided ambition, or base attempts 
at self-aggrandizement. He was consistent to the last. His charac- 
ter, like a blazing luminary, outdazzles the surrounding stars, and 
illuminates, with meridian splendour, the horizon of biography. His 
brilliant achievements were not stained with that unnecessary effusion 
of human blood which characterized the ambitious Csesar, the con- 
quering Alexander and the disappointed Bonaparte. His fame is be- 
yond the reach of slander or the attacks of malice. He has left an 
example of human conduct worthy the contemplation and imitation of 
all who move in the private walks of life or figure on the stage of pub- 
lic action. His sacred memory will live through the rolling ages of 
time, until the wreck of worlds and the dissolution of nature shall 
close the drama of human action, Gabriel's dread clarion rend the 
vaulted tomb, awake the sleeping dead, and proclaim to astonished 
millions — time shall be no longer. 






PATRICK HENRY. 

This distinguished name stands conspicuous upon the pages of 
the history of our country, and shines with peculiar brilliancy amidst 
the constellations of the revolution. Time and the critic's pen have 
not detracted from the lustre of its fame — the patriot delights to dwell 
upon the bright and bold career of Patrick Henry. 

He was a native of Studley, Hanover county, Virginia, born on the 
29th of May, 1736. His father was a highly respectable man, of 
Scotch descent; his mother was the sister of Judge Winston, who was 
justly celebrated as an eloquent and forcible orator. 

During his childhood and youth Patrick Henry was remarkable for 
indolence and a love of recreation— consequently, he arrived at man- 
hood with a limited education and unaccustomed to industry. His 
native talents were not developed, his mind was not cultivated, nor 
his genius expanded, until after he was a husband and a father. His 
friends endeavoured in vain to direct his course to a close application 
to business by setting him up in the mercantile line. In this he soon 
failed, preferring his fishing rod and gun to the business of his store. 
After finding himself a bankrupt, he concluded that the toils of life 
and the troubles of his pilgrimage were too much to bear alone, and 
accordingly married a wife, the daughter of a respectable planter, and 
became a tiller of the ground. Unacquainted with this new vocation, 
he soon found himself in the quagmire of adversity, and again tacked 
about and entered into the mercantile business. Still he was unfortu- 
nate, and poverty claimed him as one of her favourite children. An 
increasing family needed increased means of support, creditors be- 



304 PATRICK HENRY. 

came clamorous, duns showered in upon him, and in a short time 
Patrick Henry was reduced to misery and want. At last he was 
driven to his books, and resolved on the study of law. He now felt 
most keenly the misspent time of his childhood and youth, and saw 
many of his age who had already ascended high on the ladder of fame, 
whose native powers of mind he knew to be inferior to his. He ac- 
cordingly commenced the study he had chosen, and in six weeks after, 
at the age of twenty-four, he was admitted to the bar, more as a com- 
pliment to his respectable connexions and his destitute situation, than 
from the knowledge he had obtained of this lucid but laborious 
science during the brief period he had been engaged in its investiga- 
tion. — The ensuing three years, folded in the coil of extreme want, 
he made but slow advances in his profession, and obtained the neces- 
saries of life by assisting his father-in-law at a tavern bar, instead of 
shining at the bar of the court. He was still ardently attached to his 
gun, and oftenxarried his knapsack of provisions and remained several 
days and nights in the woods. On his return, he would enter the 
court in his coarse and blood-stained hunting dress, when he would 
take up his causes, carry them through with astonishing adroitness and 
skill, and finally succeeded in gaining a popular reputation as an ad- 
vocate. 

In 1T64, he was employed as counsel in a case of contested elec- 
tion to be tried at the seat of the government of his native state, which 
introduced him among the fashionable and gay, whose exterior ap- 
pearance and manners formed a great contrast with his. He made 
no preparation for meeting his learned and polished adversaries, and 
as he moved awkwardly around among them, was looked upon by 
some who were gazing at his coarse habiliments and his eccentric 
actions, as non compos mentis. "When the case came up for trial, the 
astonished audience and the court were completely electrified by his 
bursts of native eloquence and the cogency of his logic. Judges Tyler 
and Winston who tried the case, declared they had never before wit- 
nessed so happy and triumphant an effort, in point of sublime rhetoric 
and conclusive argument, by any man. From that time forward the 
fame of Patrick Henry spread its expansive wings, and he was enabled 
to banish want and misery from his door by a lucrative and increasing 
practice. From his childhood he had been a close observer of human 
nature; the only remarkable trait in favour of his juvenile character. 
He had always cultivated and improved this advantageous propensity, 
which was of great use to him in after life. So well versed had he 
become with the nature, propensities, and operations of the human 
mind, that he seemed to comprehend and divine, at a single glance, 
all its intricacies, impulses and variations. This gave him a great 
advantage over many of his professional brethren, who had studied 
Latin and Greek more, but human nature less, than this self-made 
man. He took a deep and comprehensive view of the causes that 
impel men to action, and of the results produced by the multifarious 
influences that control and direct them. He investigated the designs 
of creation, the duty of man to his fellow and his God, the laws of na- 
ture, reason and revelation, and became a bold advocate for liberty of 
conscience, equal rights and universal freedom. Nor did he bury 



PATRICK HENRY. 395 

these principles of philanthropy in his own bosom. In the expansive 
view he had taken of the rights of man, of the different modes of 
government, of the oppression of kings, of the policy pursued by the 
mother country towards the American colonies, he came to the con- 
clusion, that any nation to be great and happy, must be free and in- 
dependent. 

He had viewed, with a statesman's eye, the growing oppressions of 
the crown; they had reached his very soul, and roused that soul to 
action. In Virginia, Patrick Henry first charged the revolutionary 
ball with patriotic fire, and gave it an impetus that increased and 
gathered new force as it rolled along. Had not the mighty theme of 
freedom engaged the mind of this bold and elevated patriot, he might 
have closed his career with its gigantic powers half unspent, and left 
his noblest qualities of soul to expire in embryo. Nature had so 
moulded him, that the ordinary concerns of life never roused him to 
vigorous action. It required occasions of deep and thrilling interest 
to awaken and put in motion his stronger energies, The exciting 
cause of the revolution was exactly calculated to bring him out in all 
the majesty of his native greatness. 

In 1765, he was chosen a member of the Virginia Assembly, and 
at once took a bold and decisive stand against British oppression. 
He introduced resolutions against the stamp act that were so bold 
and independent as to alarm the older members, who, although they 
approved and applauded the principles and liberal views of this 
young champion of liberty, wanted his moral courage to design and 
execute. To impart this to them, and stamp the impress of his own 
upon their trembling hearts, was now the great business of Patrick 
Henry. In this he succeeded, and his resolutions were passed. 
Each resolution was drawn from the translucent fountain of eternal 
justice, equity and law, and was based upon the principles of Magna 
Charta, which had been the polar star of England for centuries. The 
following is a correct copy: 

"Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this his ma- 
jesty's colony and dominion, brought with them, and transmitted to 
their posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects, since inhabiting 
in this, his majesty's said colony, all the privileges, franchises and 
immunities, that have, at any time, been held, enjoyed and possessed 
by the people of Great Britain. 

"Resolved, That by two royal charters granted by King James I., 
the colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges, 
liberties and immunities of denizens and natural born subjects, to 
all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within 
the realm of England. 

"Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by 
persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know 
what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of 
raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is 
the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, and without 
which the ancient constitution cannot subsist. 

"Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this most ancient 
39 



306 PATRICK HENRY. 

colony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed 
by their own Assembly, in the article of their taxes and internal po- 
lice, and that the same hath never been forfeited, or in any other way 
given up, but hath been constantly recognised by the King and peo- 
ple of Great Britain. 

"Resolved therefore, that the general assembly of this colony has 
the sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inha- 
bitants of this colony: and that every attempt to vest such power in 
any person or persons whosoever, other than the general assembly 
aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as 
American freedom!" 

The justice of these resolutions, based as they were upon the well 
known principles of the English constitution, confined within the 
limits of the ancient landmarks of that sacred instrument, could not 
be denied by the cringing sycophants of a corrupt and corrupting 
ministry, and were hailed by every patriot as the firm pillars of the 
temple of American liberty. They were enforced by the overwhelm- 
ing eloquence and logic of the mover, and seconded by Mr. Johnston, 
who sustained them by arguments and conclusions that imparted 
new strength and courage to many a bosom that was, a few moments 
before, poising on the agonizing pivot of hesitation. They were 
strongly opposed by several members, who subsequently espoused 
the cause of equal rights, and affixed their names to the great charter 
of our independence. This opposition brought forth, for the first 
time, the gigantic powers of Patrick Henry. In all the sublimity of 
his towering genius, he stood among the great, the acknowledged 
champion of that legislative hall which he had but recently entered. 
Astonishment and admiration held his electrified audience in deep 
suspense as he painted, in bold and glowing colours, the increasing 
infringements of the hirelings of the crown upon the chartered rights 
and privileges of the colonists, who had waded through torrents of 
blood and seas of trouble and toil, to plant themselves in the new 
world. He pointed to the chains forged by the hands of tyranny, 
already clanking, with terrific sound, upon every ear. To be free or 
slaves, was the great, the momentous question. He, for one, was 
prepared and determined to unfurl the banner of freedom, drive from 
his native soil the task masters of oppression, or perish in the glo- 
rious attempt. His opponents were completely astounded, and found 
it impossible to stem the strong current of popular feeling put in mo- 
tion by the proceedings of that eventful crisis. Seconded and sup- 
ported by the cool and deep calculating Johnston, the resolutions 
passed amidst the cry of "treason" from the tories, and "liberty or 
death," from the patriots. 

The seeds of freedom were deeply planted on that glorious day, 
and old Virginia proved a congenial soil for the promotion of their 
future growth. From that time forward, Patrick Henry was hailed 
as the great advocate of human rights and rational liberty. He stood 
on the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear, unmoved and unscathed by 
the fire of persecution, calmly surveying the raging elements of the 
revolutionary storm, already in commotion around him. 



PATRICK HENRY. 307 

In August, 1774, the Virginia convention met at Williamsburg, and 
passed a series of resolutions, pledging themselves to sustain their east- 
ern brethren in the common cause of their common country. As dele- 
gates to the first colonial Congress they appointed Peyton Randolph, 
Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Richard Bland, Patrick 
Henry, Benjamin Harrison and Edmund Pendleton. 

On the 4th of September following, this august assembly of patriotic 
sages and heroes met in Carpenters' Hall, at the city of Philadelphia. 
The object for which they had convened was one of imposing and 
thrilling interest, big with events, absorbing in character and full of 
importance. The eyes of gazing millions were turned upon them, 
the kindling wrath of the crown was flashing before them, the ana- 
themas of tyranny were pronounced against them. But they still re- 
solved to go on. Liberty or death had become the watchword — the 
hallowed tire of freedom had vanned their bosoms and impelled them 
to action. After an address to the throne of grace, they commenced 
their proceedings by appointing Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, presi- 
dent of their body. A deep and solemn silence ensued, as if each 
member was appealing to Heaven for aid and direction. At length 
Patrick Henry rose, as echo lingered to catch a sound. With the 
eloquence of a Demosthenes, the philosophy of a Socrates, the justice 
of an Aristides, and the wisdom of a Solon, he took a broad, impartial 
and expansive view of the past, the present and the future; exhibited, 
in their true light, the relations between the mother country and her 
distant colonies; unveiled the designs of the base and unprincipled 
ministry that claimed the high and unwarranted prerogative of wield- 
ing an iron sceptre over America, and of reducing her sons to uncon- 
ditional submission, and painted, in the most vivid and lively colours, 
a nation's rights and a nation's wrongs. The dignity and calmness of 
his manner, the clearness of his logic, the force of his eloquence and 
the solemnity of his voice and countenance combined to inspire an 
admiration and awe until then unknown to the astonished audience. 
On that occasion his powers of thought seemed supernatural; he seem- 
ed commissioned by Heaven to rouse his countrymen to a sense of 
approaching danger. He sat down amidst repeated bursts of applause, 
the acknowledged Demosthenes of the new world, the most powerful 
orator of his day and generation. 

The succeeding year he was a member of the convention of Virgi- 
nia that convened at Richmond, where he proposed immediate mea- 
sures of defence, 'sufficient to repel any invasion from the mother 
country. In this he was strenuously opposed by several of the most 
influential members, who still felt a disposition to cringe to royal 
power. 

That power, based as it was upon wrongs and injury, Patrick Henry 
held in utter contempt. His dauntleas soul soared above the trap- 
pings of a crown, backed by military pomp and show, and looked for 
rest only in the goal of liberty. 

The following extract from his speech in that convention will best 
convey a correct idea of his feelings and emotions, deeply felt and 
strongly told. 



308 PATRICK HENRY. 

"]VIr. President, it is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of 
hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen 
to the song of that syren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this 
the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liber- 
ty ! Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes 
see not, and having ears hear not the things that so nearly concern 
their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it 
may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth — to know the worst 
and provide for it. 

"I have but one lamp to guide my feet, and that is the lamp of ex- 
perience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the past. Judg- 
ing from the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of 
the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with 
which gentlemen are pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is 
it that insidious smile with which our petition has lately been received? 
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not your- 
selves to be betrayed by a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious re- 
ception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations that 
cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies neces- 
sary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves 
so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back 
our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the imple- 
ments of war and subjugation — the last arguments to which kings re- 
sort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array if its pur- 
pose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any 
other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this 
quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and 
armies? No, sir; she has none. They are meant for us — they can 
be meant for no other. • They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us 
those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. 
And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, 
we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing 
new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject 
up in every light of which it is capable, but it has been all in vain. 
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms 
shall we find which have not already been exhausted? Let us not, I 
beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every 
thing that could be done to avert the storm that is coming on. We 
have petitioned — we have remonstrated — we have supplicated — we 
have prostrated ourselves before the throne and have implored its 
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and par- 
liament. Our petitions have been slighted, our remonstrances have 
produced additional violence and insult, our supplications have been 
disregarded, and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of 
the throne. 

"In vain after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace 
and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we 
wish to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable 
privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean 



PATRICK HENRY. 309 

long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon 
until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must 
Jight ! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and the 
God of Hosts is all that is left us! It is vain, sir, to extenuate the 
matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace; but there is no peace. 
The war is actually begun. The next gale that comes from the north, 
will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren 
are already in the field. "Why stand we here idle? What is it that 
gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace 
so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? For- 
bid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but 
as for me, give me liberty or death!" 

The effect of this speech was electrical. The cry, "to arms,"" burst 
from every quarter — "liberty or death" resounded and rang through 
every ear and was responded by every patriot. The resolutions were 
seconded and supported by Richard Henry Lee, and were adopted 
without further opposition. A committee was immediately appointed 
to carry them into effect. From that time forward, the old dominion 
was renewed, regenerated, and free. Her richest blood was poured 
out freely in the cause of liberty and equal rights. 

Soon after this convention had adjourned, Lord Dunmore removed 
a part of the powder from the magazine at Williamsburg on board of 
one of his majesty's ships. On being informed of this transaction, 
Patrick Henry collected a military force in Hanover and King William 
counties, and repaired to the seat of government, demanding the resto- 
ration of the powder or its equivalent in cash. An order for the amount 
in money was received, and no blood shed. A proclamation was issued 
against these daring rebels, which only seemed to unite the people 
more strongly in favour of their orator and soldier, whose conduct they 
highly approved at several public meetings convened on the occasion. 

In August, 1775, Mr. Henry was again chosen a delegate to the 
Continental Congress, and in June of the following year, governor of 
his native state. He held this important office during that and the 
ensuing year, but declined serving the third year, although unani- 
mously re-elected. His zeal in the glorious cause he had espoused 
did not languish or grow cold. In 1780 he took his seat in the as- 
sembly of his state, and manifested all the activity and vigour that 
characterized the commencement of his bold and useful career. In 
1788 he was a member of the Virginia convention convened for the 
consideration of the constitution of the United States, then submitted 
for approval or rejection. To that instrument Mr. Henry was then 
strongly opposed, because, as he contended, it consolidated the states 
into one government, thereby destroying the sovereignty of each. His 
eloquence on that occasion was raised to its highest pitch, but could 
not prevail. His resolution against it was lost. His closing speech 
on that now revered instrument, was said to have surpassed either of 
his former efforts, and operated so powerfully, that but a small majori- 
ty voted for the new constitution. During his remarks an incident 
occurred which enabled him to almost paralyze his audience. After 
describing the magnitude of the question, on the determination of 



310 PATRICK HENRY. 

which hung the happiness or woe of the present generation, and mil- 
lions yet unborn, with a voice and countenance solemn as eternity, 
and his eyes raised upwards, he appealed to the God of heaven and 
to angels then hovering over their heads, to witness the thrilling 
scene, and invoked their aid in the mighty work before him. At that 
moment a sudden thunder gust commenced its fury and shook the 
very earth. Upon the wings of the tempest his stentorian voice con- 
tinued to rise — he figuratively seized the artillery of the elements as 
by supernatural power, hurled the liquid lightning at the heads of his 
opponents, and seemed commissioned by the great Jehovah to exe- 
cute a deed of vengeance. The scene was awfully sublime, the effect 
tremendous. The purple current rushed back upon the fountain 
of life, every countenance was pale, every eye was fixed, every 
muscle was electrified, every vein was contracted, every heart was 
agonized, the scene became insupportable, the members rushed from 
their seats in confusion and left the house without the formality of an 
adjournment. 

He remained in the assembly until 1791, when he declined a re- 
election, and expressed a strong desire to retire from public life. He 
had toiled long, faithfully and successfully, and wished for that repose 
found only in the bosom of our families. 

In 1795, president Washington, for whom he had an unbounded 
veneration, offered him the high station of secretary of state. With 
becoming gratitude to his friend and the father of his country, he de- 
clined the proffered honour, and chose to remain in retirement. The 
following year he was again elected governor of his native state, but 
declined serving. In 1799 he was appointed by president Adams an 
envoy to France in conjunction with Messrs. Murray and Ellsworth. 
His declining health would not permit him to accept of this last ap- 
pointment with which he was honoured. Disease was fast consummat- 
ing the work of death, and destroying rapidly the hardy constitution 
and athletic frame that had enabled him to perform his duty so nobly 
during the trying scenes of the revolution. He was aware that the 
work of dissolution was going on, and awaited his final exit with calm 
submission and christian fortitude. On the 6th of June, 1799, here- 
signed his spirit to Him who gave it, threw off' the mortal coil and 
was numbered with the dead, aged but 61 years. His loss was deeply 
mourned by the American nation, and most strongly felt by those 
who knew him best. The following affectionate tribute is from the 
pen of one who knew him well. 

"Mourn, Virginia, mourn! your Henry is gone. Ye friends to 
liberty in every clime, drop a tear. No more will his social feelings 
spread delight through his happy house. No more will his edifying ex- 
ample dictate to his numerous offspring the sweetness of virtue and 
the majesty of patriotism. No more will his sage advice, guided by 
zeal for the common happiness, impart light and utility to his caress- 
ing neighbours. No more will he illuminate the public councils with 
sentiments drawn from the cabinet of his own mind, ever directed to 
his country's good, and clothed in eloquence sublime, delightful and 
commanding. Farewell, first rate patriot, farewell. As long as our 



PATRICK HENRY. 3U 

rivers flow, or mountains stand, so long will your excellence and worth 
be the theme of our homage and endearment; and Virginia, bearing in 
mind her loss, will say to rising generations — imitate my Henry." 

In reviewing the character of this truly great man from the com- 
mencement of his public career, his examples in public and private life 
are worthy of veneration and the closest imitation. The rust of his 
youth was soon removed, and he became in all respects a brilliant and 
polished man. His habits were rigidly temperate, his conduct, as a 
gentleman, a public functionary, an amiable citizen and a devoted 
christian, was beyond reproach. Although when he believed himself 
in the right, he maintained his position with great zeal and ardour, he 
was always open to conviction. Although he opposed the adoption of 
the federal constitution when it was under consideration, he subse- 
quently became convinced of its utility, and highly approved of its 
form and substance. 

As a husband, a father, a master, a neighbour and a friend, he had 
no superior. As an advocate, an orator, a statesman and a patriot, his 
fame stands in all its glory, uneclipsed and unsurpassed. As Grattan 
said of Pitt, there was something in Patrick Henry that could create, 
subvert, or reform; an understanding, a spirit, an eloquence to sum- 
mon mankind to society, or to break the bonds of slavery asunder, and 
to rule the wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority; some- 
thing that could establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in 
the world that should resound through the universe. 

He was twice married and the father of fifteen children. The 
closing paragraph of his will is worthy of record, and shows the vene- 
ration he felt for the religion of the Cross. 

"I have now disposed of all my property to my family; there is one 
thing more I wish I could give them, and that is the christian reli- 
gion. If they had this and I had not given them one shilling, they 
would be rich; and if they had not that, and I had given them all the 
world, they would be poor." This short paragraph, coming from one 
of the most gigantic minds that ever investigated the truths of revela- 
tion, speaks volumes in favour of that religion which is despised by 
some — neglected by millions — and is the one thing needful to fit us 
for heaven and prepare us for the 

"Great day for which all other days were made, 
For which earth rose from chaos,— man from earth, 
And an eternity— the date of gods, 
Descended on poor earth-created man!" 



APPENDIX 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the ex- 
ecutive government of the United States being not far distant, and 
the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, 
it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dis- 
tinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of 
the resolution I have formed — to decline being considered among the 
number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, 
that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all 
the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful 
citizen to his country, and that, in withdrawing the tender of ser- 
vice, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by 
no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grate- 
ful respect for your past kindness — but am supported by a full con- 
viction that the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which 
your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of 
inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what ap- 
peared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have 
been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I 
was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from 
which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclina- 
tion to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the pre- 
paration of an address to declare it to you. But mature reflection 
on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign 
nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confi- 
dence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, 
no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the 
sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever par- 
40 



314 APPENDIX. 

tiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circum- 
stances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to 
retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, 
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this 
trust I will only say, that I have with good intentions contributed 
towards the organization and administration of the government the 
best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not 
unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, ex- 
perience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, 
has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself: and every day 
the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that 
the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. 
Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my 
services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that 
while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, pa- 
triotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate 
the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend 
the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to 
my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; 
still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported 
me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting 
my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though 
in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our 
country from these services, let it always be remembered to your 
praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under cir- 
cumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were 
liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissi- 
tudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not unfre- 
quently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the 
constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a 
guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly 
penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a 
strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to 
you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and bro- 
therly affection may be perpetual ! that a free constitution, which is 
the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained, that its adminis- 
tration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and vir- 
tue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under 
the auspices of Heaven, may be made complete by so careful a pre- 
servation and so prudent a use of liberty, as will acquire to them the 
glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and the adop- 
tion of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, 
which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, 
natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, 
to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- 
quent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflec- 
tion, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all- 



APPENDIX. 315 

important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These 
will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in 
them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly 
have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an 
encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
former, and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your 
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm 
the attachment. 

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also 
now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice 
of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, 
your peace abroad — of your safety — of your prosperity — of that very 
liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that 
from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be 
taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the convic- 
tion of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against 
which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most 
constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) di- 
rected, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the 
immense value of your national Union, to your collective and indi- 
vidual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and 
immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and 
speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discounte- 
nancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any 
event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawn- 
ing of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the 
rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various 
parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. 
Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has 
a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which 
belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just 
pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local dis- 
crimination. — With slight shades of difference, you have the same reli- 
gion, manners, habits and political principles. You have, in a common 
cause, fought and triumphed together. The independence and liber- 
ty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts; of 
common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they address them- 
selves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which ap- 
ply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our 
country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding 
and preserving the union of the whole. 

The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, pro- 
tected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the pro- 
ductions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and 
commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing in- 
dustry. The south, in the same intercourse benefitting by the 



316 APPENDIX. 

agency of the north, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce 
expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, 
it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, 
in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the 
national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime 
strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in a like 
intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive im- 
provement of interior communications, by land and water, will more 
and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings 
from abroad, or manufactures at home, The west derives from the 
east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is, per- 
haps, of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure 
enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own production, to the 
weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic 
side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest, 
as one nation. Any other tenure, by which the west can hold this 
essential advantage/whether derived from its own separate strength, 
or from an apostate or unnatural connexion with any foreign power, 
must be intrinsically precarious. 

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and 
particular interest in union, all the parties combined cannot fail to 
find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, 
greater resource, proportionably greater security from external dan- 
ger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations. 
And, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an 
exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so 
frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the 
same government; which their own rivalships alone would be suffi- 
cient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments 
and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they 
will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, 
which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and 
which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. 
In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main 
prop of your liberty, and that love of the one ought to endear to you 
the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflect- 
ing and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance in the union as a 
primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a com- 
mon government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience 
solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were crimi- 
nal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the 
whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective 
subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well 
worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious 
motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience 
shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be 
reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may 
endeavour to weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it oc- 



APPENDIX. 317 

curs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have 
been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discrimi- 
nations; northern and southern; Atlantic and western; whence 
designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real dif- 
ference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party 
to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the 
opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves 
too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from 
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those 
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabi- 
tants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this 
head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the 
unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in 
the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, 
a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them, of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic 
states, unfriendly to their interest in regard to the Mississippi. They 
have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties: that with Great 
Britain and that with Spain; which secure to them every thing they 
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming 
their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preserva- 
tion of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? 
"Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, 
who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with 
aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for 
the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between 
the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably expe- 
rience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times 
have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have im- 
proved upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of 
government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, 
and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This 
government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and un- 
awed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, com- 
pletely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting 
security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its 
own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquies- 
cence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims 
of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the 
people to make and alter their constitutions of government. But the 
constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and 
authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. 
The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish 
government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the 
established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and 
associations, under whatever plausible character, with a real design 
to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and 



318 APPENDIX. 

action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this funda- 
mental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize fac- 
tion; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the 
place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a 
small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, 
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the 
public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous 
projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome 
plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual inte- 
rests. 

However combinations or associations of the above description may 
now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of 
time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambi- 
tious and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of 
the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; de- 
stroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust 
dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency 
of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily 
discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but 
also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its princi- 
ples, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be 
to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair 
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be di- 
rectly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, 
remember, that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true 
character of governments as of other human institutions; that experi- 
ence is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the 
existing constitution of a country; that facility in change upon the 
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change 
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, 
especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests 
in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as 
is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. 
Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly 
distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else 
than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the en- 
terprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the 
limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and 
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, 
with the particular reference to the founding of them on geographical 
discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the 
spirit of party generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having 
its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under 
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, 
or repressed. But in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest 
rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 



APPENDIX. 319 

The alternate dominion of one faction over another, sharpened by 
the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which, in different 
ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is 
itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, 
gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in 
the absolute power of an individual: and, sooner or later, the chief 
of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his com- 
petitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on 
the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which,, ne- 
vertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and 
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the 
interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the 
public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded 
jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against 
another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection; and opens the 
door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access 
to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus 
the policy and will of one country are subjected to the policy and will 
of another. 

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks 
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive 
the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true: 
and in governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with 
indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those 
of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit 
not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there 
will always be enough of this spirit for every salutary purpose. And 
there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force 
of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, 
it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, 
lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free coun- 
try, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, 
to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, 
avoiding, in the exercise of the power of one department, to encroach 
upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the 
powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the 
form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of 
power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human 
heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The neces- 
sity of reciprocal checks, in the exercise of political power, by dividing 
and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each 
the guardian of public weal against invasions by the others, has been 
evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our 
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as ne- 
cessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the dis- 
tribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particu- 
lar wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the 



320 APPENDIX. 

constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; 
for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is 
the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The 
precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any 
partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, 
religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that 
man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert 
these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the du- 
ties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious 
man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace 
all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it be simply 
asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if 
the sense of religious obligations desert the oaths, which are the in- 
struments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with cau- 
tion indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without 
religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined edu- 
cation on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both 
forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is 
a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends 
with more or less force to every species of free government. Who 
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts 
to shake the foundation of the fabric? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for 
the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of 
a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public 
opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public 
credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as pos- 
sible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace; but remem- 
bering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently 
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the 
accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but 
by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which 
unavoidable wars may have occasioned; not ungenerously throwing 
upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The 
execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is 
necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them 
the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practi- 
cally bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be 
revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can 
be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; 
that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the 
proper object, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a 
decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the go- 
vernment in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the mea- 
sures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any 
time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace 



APPENDIX. 321 

and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct: 
and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, 
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people 
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt 
that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady 
adherence to it? Can it be that providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at 
least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human na- 
ture. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices! 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that 
permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and pas- 
sionate attachment for others, should be excluded; and that in place 
of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. 
The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an 
habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani- 
mosity or to its affections, either of which is sufficient to lead it 
astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation, 
against another, disposes each more readily to otter insult and injury, 
to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intract- 
able, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence 
frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The 
nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war 
the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The go- 
vernment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts 
through passion, what reason would reject; at other times, it makes 
the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility insti- 
gated by pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
The peace, often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been 
the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, 
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases 
where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
mities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quar- 
rels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justifica- 
tion. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation, of privileges 
denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the 
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been 
retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to reta- 
liate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it 
gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote them- 
selves to the favourite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the inte- 
rests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popu- 
larity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligations, 
commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for pub- 
lic good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or 
infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attach- 
ments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen- 
41 



322 APPENDIX. 

dent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with 
domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public 
opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment 
of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the 
former to be the satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to 
believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be 
constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign 
influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. 
But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the 
instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence 
against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive 
dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on 
one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the 
other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, 
are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes 
usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their 
interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, 
in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little 
political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed 
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let 
us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a 
very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent con- 
troversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by 
artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi- 
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our 
detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a dif- 
ferent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient govern- 
ment, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from 
external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously 
respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making 
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; 
when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit 
our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our, 
destiny with that of" any part of Europe, entangle our peace and pros- 
perity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, 
or caprice. 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any 
portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty 
to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infi- 
delity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable 
to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. 
I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their 



APPENDIX. 303 

genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be 
unwise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, 
in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary 
alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- 
mended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial 
policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor 
granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course 
of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of 
commerce, but forcing nothing: establishing, with powers so disposed, 
in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our mer- 
chants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional 
rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual 
opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time 
abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; 
constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for 
disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of 
its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; 
that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having 
given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached 
with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error 
than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. 
It is an illusion which experience must cure — which a just pride ought 
to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and 
affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and 
lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual cur- 
rent of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course 
which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations! but, if I may even 
flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, 
some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate 
the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
trigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this 
hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by 
which they have been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided 
by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and 
other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. 
To myself, the assurance of my own conscience's, that I have at least 
believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation 
of the 2:2nd of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by 
your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both 
houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed 
me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After a deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I 
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the cir- 
cumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty 
and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I deter- 



324 APPENDIX. 

milled, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with modera- 
tion, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect 
the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to 
detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of 
the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the bellige- 
rent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without any 
thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on 
every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate 
the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will be best 
referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predo- 
minant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to 
settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without 
interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is 
necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own for- 
tunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am un- 
conscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my 
defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many 
errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to 
avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry 
with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with 
indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its 
service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will 
be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of 
rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by 
that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in 
it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, 
I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise 
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in 
the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under 
a free government; the ever favourite object of my heart, and the 
happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers. 

G. WASHINGTON. 

United Slates, \7th September, 1796. 



325 



IN CONGRESS, Philadelphia, July 5, 1775. 
A DECLARATION 

BV THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED COLONIES OF NORTH AME- 
RICA, SETTING FORTH THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF THEIR TAKING UP 
ARMS. 

Directed to be •published by General Washington, upon his arrival 
before Boston. 

If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe 
that the Divine author of our existence intended a part of the human 
race to hold an absolute property in and an unbounded power over 
others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom as the objects 
of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and op- 
pressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from 
the parliament of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful au- 
thority over them has been granted to that body. But a reverence for 
our great Creator, principles of humanity and the dictates of common 
sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that go- 
vernment was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought 
to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of 
Great Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a 
power, not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly 
reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of 
success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, 
law or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their 
cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, 
and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last 
appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may 
be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight 
justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by 
obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the 
justice of our cause. 

Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain, left their 
native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious 
freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their for- 
tunes, without the least charge to the country from which they re- 
moved, by unceasing labour and an unconquerable spirit, they effected 
settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then 
filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or 
governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under char- 
ters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established 



326 APPENDIX. 

between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their 
origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so 
extraordinary as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed 
that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength and navigation of 
the realm arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and 
successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late war, 
publicly declared, that these colonies enabled them to triumph over 
her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war it pleased our sove- 
reign to make a change in his counsels. From that fatal moment the 
affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradu- 
ally sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they 
had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at 
length distracted by the convulsions that now shake it to its deepest 
foundations. The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, 
though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortu- 
nate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her 
faithful friends. 

These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to pre- 
sent victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of sta- 
tuteable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and 
respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, 
zealous and useful services during the war, though so recently and 
amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, 
by the late king and by parliament, could not save them from the 
meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the per- 
nicious project, and, assuming a new power over them, have, in the 
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and 
consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning 
the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give 
and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exer- 
cised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have 
been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and 
vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the 
accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affect- 
ing both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the 
colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and 
for altering, fundamentally, the form of government established by 
charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirm- 
ed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from 
legal trial, and, in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neigh- 
bouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and 
America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quar- 
tering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has 
also been resolved in parliament that colonists, charged with commit- 
ting certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried. 

But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one sta- 
tute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind 
us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, 
so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it is 
chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the con- 



APPENDIX. 327 

trary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, 
and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible, purposes 
for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burthens in 
proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such 
despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffec- 
tually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remon- 
strated with parliament in the most mild and decent language. 

The administration, sensible that we should regard these oppressive 
measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to en- 
force them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true 
— but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal and affectionate peo- 
ple. A Congress of delegates from the united colonies was assembled 
at Philadelphia on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again 
to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and also addressed 
our fellow subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every tem- 
perate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break 
off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last 
peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth 
should supplant our attachment to liberty. This we flattered our- 
selves was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events 
have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our ene- 
mies. 

Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in 
his majesty's speech; our petition, though we were told it was a decent 
one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, 
and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both 
houses among a bundle of American papers and there neglected. The 
lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said, 
that a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of 
Massachusetts Bay; and that those concerned in it had been counte- 
nanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, 
entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; 
and therefore they besought his majesty that he would take the most 
effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority 
of the supreme legislature. Soon after, the commercial intercourse 
of whole colonies with foreign countries and with each other was cut 
off by an act of parliament: by another, several of them were entirely 
prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coast, on which they 
always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of 
ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage. 

Fruitless were all the intreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an 
illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, 
who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, 
or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated 
and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was 
the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other 
respectable towns in our favour. Parliament adopted an insidious 
manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of 
taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them unin- 
formed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort 



328 APPENDIX. 

from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that would 
be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, 
with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, 
the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could 
have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In 
our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them. 

Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this 
continent, General Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken 
possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, 
and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out 
from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unpro- 
voked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of 
Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, 
some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murder- 
ed eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence 
the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where 
they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, 
killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the 
country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. 
Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since 
prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. The in- 
habitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general, 
their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, 
entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabi- 
tants, having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should 
have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They 
accordingly delivered up their arms; but, in open violation of honour, 
in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations 
esteem sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, 
that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body 
of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, 
and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their 
most valuable effects behind. 

By this perfidy, wives are separated from their husbands, children 
from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and 
friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have 
been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplo- 
rable distress. 

The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a pro- 
clamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the 
grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these 
colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or descrip- 
tion, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the com- 
mon law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exer- 
cise of the law martial." His troops have butchered our country- 
men, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable num- 
ber of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the 
necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting 
his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him. 

We have received certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the 



APPENDIX. 329 

governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province, and 
the Indians, to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to 
apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic ene- 
mies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all 
of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration 
can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword and famine. 
We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional sub- 
mission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. 
The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, 
and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, 
and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we 
received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity 
have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and 
guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which 
inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon 
them. 

Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources 
are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attain- 
able. We gratefully acknowledge, as a signal instance of the divine 
favour towards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called 
into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present 
strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and 
possessed the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified 
with these animating reflections, we most solemnly before God and 
the world declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers 
which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the 
arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in 
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, 
employ for the preservation of our liberties — being with one mind re- 
solved to die freemen rather than to live slaves. 

Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and 
fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we 
mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily sub- 
sisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Ne- 
cessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced 
us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised 
armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain and 
establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for con- 
quest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people 
attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even sus- 
picion of ottence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and 
yet proft'er no milder conditions than servitude or death. 

In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth- 
right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, for the 
protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of 
our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually ottered, we 
have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall 
cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being re- 
newed shall be removed, and not before. 

With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and im- 
42 



330 



APPENDIX. 



partial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his 
divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to 
dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and 
thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war. 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

In Congress, July 8, 1788. 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND PERPETUAL UNION 

Between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 

Article 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United 
States of America.'" 

Art. 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and indepen- 
dence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this 
confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress 
assembled. 

Art. 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of 
friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of 
their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding them- 
selves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made 
upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, 
or any other pretence whatever. 

Art. 4. § 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship 
and intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, 
the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and 
fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of 
each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other 
state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, 
subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the in- 
habitants thereof respectively: provided that such restrictions shall 
not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into 
any state, to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant; 
provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall be laid 
by any state on the property of the United States, or either of them. 

§ 2. If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or 
other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from justice, and be 
found in any of the United States, he shall, upon the demand of the 
governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be de- 
livered up, and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. 



APPENDIX. 33 X 

§ 3. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these states, to 
the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magis- 
trates of every other state. 

Art. 5. § 1. For the more convenient management of the general 
interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed 
in such a manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet 
in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a 
power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, 
at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the 
remainder of the year. 

§ 2. No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, 
nor more than seven members: and no person shall be capable of 
being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; 
nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any 
office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his 
benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. 

§ 3. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of 
the states, and while they act as members of the committee of these 
states. 

§ 4. In determining questions in the United States in Congress as- 
sembled, each state shall have one vote. 

§ 5. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be im- 
peached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress, and the 
members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests 
and imprisonments during the time of their going to and from, and 
attendance on, Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the 
peace. 

Art. 6. § 1. No state, without the consent of the United States, in 
Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any em- 
bassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or 
treaty, with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding 
any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind what- 
ever, from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United 
States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of 
nobility. 

§ 2. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confedera- 
tion, or alliance whatever, between them, without the consent of the 
United States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the pur- 
poses for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall 
continue. 

§ 3. No state shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere 
with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in 
Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of 
any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France 
and Spain. 

§ 4. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any 
state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the 
United States, in Congress assembled, for the defence of such state, 
or its trade: nor shall any body of forces be kept up, by any state, in 



332 APPENDIX. 

time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the 
United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to 
garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state; but every 
state shall always keep up a regular and well disciplined militia, suf- 
ficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have 
ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, 
and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. 

§ 5. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the 
United States, in Congress assembled, unless such state be actually 
invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolu- 
tion being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and 
the danger is so imminent as not to admit of delay till the United 
States, in Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any state 
grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque 
or reprisal , except it be after a declaration of war by the United States, 
in Congress assembled, and then only against a kingdom or state, 
and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and 
under such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in 
Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which 
case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so 
long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in Con- 
gress assembled, shall determine otherwise. 

Art. 7. When land forces are raised by any state for the common 
defence, all officers of, or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed 
by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces 
shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all 
vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appoint- 
ment. 

Art. 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be in- 
curred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by 
the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a 
common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in 
proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to, or 
surveyed for, any person, as such land and the buildings and improve- 
ments thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the 
United States, in Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct 
and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and 
levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several 
states, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress 
assembled. 

Art. 9. § 1. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have 
the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and 
war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article, of sending 
and receiving ambassadors, entering into treaties and alliances, pro- 
vided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legisla- 
tive power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing 
such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are sub- 
jected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any 
species of goods or commodities whatsoever; of establishing rules for 
deciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, 



APPENDIX. 333 

and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service 
of the United States, shall be divided or appropriated; of granting let- 
ters of marque and reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for 
the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and esta- 
blishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all 
cases of captures; provided that no member of Congress shall be ap- 
pointed a judge of any of the said courts. 

§ 2. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the 
last resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or 
that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boun- 
dary, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever, which authority shall 
always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the legisla- 
tive or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state in controversy 
with another, shall present a petition to Congress stating the matter 
in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given 
by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the 
other state in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of 
the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to ap- 
point, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court 
for hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they can- 
not agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United 
States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately 
strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be 
reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor 
more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence 
of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall 
be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to 
hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part 
of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determina- 
tion; and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, 
without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or 
being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to no- 
minate three persons out of each state, and the secretary of Congress 
shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judg- 
ment and sentence of the court, to be appointed in the manner before 
prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties 
shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or 
defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to 
pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final 
and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being 
in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of 
Congress, for the security of the parties concerned; provided, that 
every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to 
be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court 
of the state where the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to hear 
and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his 
judgment, without favour, affection or hope of reward." Provided also, 
that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United 
States. 

§ 3. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed 



334 APPENDIX. 

under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdiction, as 
they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants 
are* adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time 
claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdic- 
tion, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United 
States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner 
as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial ju- 
risdiction between different states. 

§ 4. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the 
sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value 
of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective 
states; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the 
United States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the 
Indians, not members of any of the states; provided that the legisla- 
tive right of any state, within its own limits, be not infringed or vio- 
lated; establishing and regulating post offices from one state to an- 
other, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on 
the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray 
the expenses of the said office; appointing all officers of the land forces 
in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers; ap- 
pointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all 
officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules 
for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, 
and directing their operations. 

§ 5. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have autho- 
rity to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be de- 
nominated, "Jl Committee of the States," and to consist of one dele- 
gate from each state; and to appoint such other committees and civil 
officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the 
United States under their direction; to appoint one of their number 
to preside; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office 
of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascer- 
tain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the 
United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying 
the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of 
the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective states 
an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build 
and equip a navy; to agree upon the number of land forces, and to 
make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the 
number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisition shall be 
binding; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the 
regimental officers, raise the men, clothe, arm, and equip them, in a 
soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the 
officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the 
place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, 
in Congress assembled; but if the United States, in Congress assem- 
bled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any 
state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its 
quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of men 
than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, 



APPENDIX. 335 

clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such 
state, unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra 
number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they 
shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra num- 
ber as they judge can be safely spared, and the officers and men so 
clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, 
and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress as- 
sembled. 

§ 6. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage 
in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, 
nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate 
the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for 
the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit 
bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appro- 
priate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built 
or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor ap- 
point a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine states 
assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point, except for 
adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a 
majority of the United States in Congress assembled. 

§ 7. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn 
to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, 
so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space 
of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings 
monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or 
military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the 
yeas and nays of the delegates of each state, on any question shall be 
entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the 
delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be 
furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as 
are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states. 

Art. 10. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be 
authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers 
of Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the con- 
sent of nine states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest 
them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said commit- 
tee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the 
voice of nine states, in the Congress of the United States assembled, 
is requisite. 

Art. 11. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the 
measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to 
all the advantages of this Union: but no other colony shall be admit- 
ted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states. 

Art. 12. AH bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts 
contacted by or linder the authority of Congress, before the assem- 
bling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, 
shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, 
for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the 
public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. 

Art. 13. Every state shall abide by the determination of the United 



336 APPENDIX. 

States, in Congress assembled, in all questions which, by this confede- 
ration, are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation 
shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the Union shall be 
perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in 
any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the 
United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every 
state. 

And whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the world to 
incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Con- 
gress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of 
confederation and perpetual union, Know ye, that we, the undersigned 
delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that 
purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our re- 
spective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and 
every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and 
all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do 
further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective consti- 
tuents, that they shall abide by the determination of the United States, 
in Congress assembled, in all questions which by the said confedera- 
tion are submitted to them; and that the articles thereof shall be 
inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent, and that 
the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto 
set our hands, in Congress. 

Bone at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of 
July, in the year of our Lord, 1778, and in the third year of the 
Independence of America, 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Josiah Bartlett, 
John Wentworth, Jr. 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

John Hancock, 
Samuel Adams, 
Elbridge Gerry, 
Francis Dana, 
James Lovel, 
Samuel Holten. 

RHODE ISLAND, &C. 

William Ellery, 
Henry Marchant, 
John Collins. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntingdon, 
Oliver Wolcott, 
Titus Hosmer, 
Andrew Adams. 



NEW YORK. 

Jas. Duane, 
Fra. Lewis, 
Wm. Duer, 
Gouv. Morris. 



NEW JERSEY. 

Jno. Witherspoon, 
Nath. Scudder. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Daniel Roberdeau, 
Jona. Bayard Smith 
William Clingan, 

DELAWARE 

Thos. M'Kean, 
John Dickinson, 
Nicholas Van Dyke 




APPENDIX. 

MARYLAND. SOUTH CAROLINA. 

John Hanson, Henry Laurens, 

Daniel Carroll. William Henry Drayton, 

Jno. Matthews, 

Virginia. Richard Hutson, 

Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Heyward, Jr. 
John Bannister, 

Thomas Adams, Georgia. 

John Harris, Jno. Walton, 

Francis Lightfoot Lee. Edwd. Telfair, 



337 



NORTH CAROLINA. 

John Penn, 
Cons. Harnett, 
Jno. Williams. 



Edwd. Langworthy. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



PREAMBLE. 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more per- 
fect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for 
the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and esta- 
blish this constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

Of the Legislature. 

SECTION I. 

1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a con- 
gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House 
of Representatives. 



1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members 
chosen every second year by the people of the several states; and the 
electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for elec- 
tors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. 

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained 
to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
that state in which he shall be chosen. 

43 



338 APPENDIX. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several states which may be included within this union, according to 
their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a 
term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other 
persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years 
after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within 
every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by 
law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for 
every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one represen- 
tative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New 
Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts eight; 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one; Connecticut five; 
New York six; New Jersey four; Pennsylvania eight; Delaware 
one; Maryland six; Virginia ten; North Carolina five; South 
Carolina five; and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, 
the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill up 
such vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and 
other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

section in. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two sena- 
tors from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; 
and each senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the 
first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three 
classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at 
the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration 
of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth 
year, so that" one third may be chosen every second year; and if 
vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of 
the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make tempo- 
rary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which 
shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the 
age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, 
and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for 
which he shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice President of the United States shall be President of 
the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president 
pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall 
exercise the office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. 
When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. 
When the President of the United States is tried, the chief justice 
shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concur- 
rence of two-thirds of the members present. 



APPENDIX. 339 

7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend further than 
to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any 
office of honour, trust, or profit, under the United States; but the 
party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indict- 
ment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators 
and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legisla- 
ture thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or 
alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and 
such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they 
shall by law appoint a different day. 



1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall con- 
stitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn 
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of 
absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each 
House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the rule of its proceedings, punish 
its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of 
two-thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from 
time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their 
judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of 
either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those 
present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither House during the session of Congress shall, without the 
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any 
other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION VI. 

1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation 
for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the trea- 
sury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, 
felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their 
attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to 
or returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either 
House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he 
was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of 
the United States which shall have been created, or the emoluments 
whereof shall have been increased, during such time; and no person 
holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either 
House during his continuance in office. 



340 APPENDIX. 

SECTION VII. 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Rep- 
resentatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, 
as on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives 
and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the Presi- 
dent of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, 
he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall 
have originated, who shall enter the objection at large on their journal, 
and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds 
of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be 
reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall 
become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall 
be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting 
for and against the bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House 
respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented 
to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, 
unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which 
case it shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except a 
question of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President of the 
United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be ap- 
proved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by 
two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to 
the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

SECTION VIII. 

The Congress shall have power — 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay 
the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of 
the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uni- 
form throughout the United States: 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States: 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the se- 
veral states, and with the Indian tribes: 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws 
on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States: 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, 
and fix the standard of weights and measures: 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities 
and current coin of the United States: 

7. To establish post offices and post roads: 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing 
for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their 
respective writings and discoveries: 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court: 



APPENDIX. 341 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the 
high seas, and offences against the law of nations: 

tl. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land and water: 

12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money 
to that use shall be for a longer term than two years: 

13. To provide and maintain a navy: 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land 
and naval forces: 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of 
the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions: 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, 
and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the ser- 
vice of the United States, reserving to the states respectively the 
appointment of the officers and the authority of training the militia 
according to the discipline prescribed by Congress: 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over 
such district (not exceeding ten miles square,) as may, by cession of 
particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of 
government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over 
all places purchased, by the consent of the legislature of the state in 
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dock-yards, and other needful buildings: and 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for car- 
rying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested 
by this constitution in the government of the United States, or any 
department or officer thereof. 

SECTION IX. 

1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states 
now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the 
Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but 
a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten 
dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended 
unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
require it. 

5. No bill of attainder, or ex-post-facto law, shall be passed. 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in propor- 
tion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. 
No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or reve- 
nue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels 
bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties 
in another. 

6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence 
of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account 
of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published 
from time to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States, and no 



342 APPENDIX. 

person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without 
the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or 
title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

section x. 

1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; 
make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; 
pass any bill of attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impairing the ob- 
ligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any im- 
posts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the nett produce of 
all duties and imposts laid by any state on imports or exports shall be 
for the use of the treasury of the United states, and all such laws shall 
be subject to the revision and control of Congress. No state shall, 
without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops 
or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact 
with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless 
actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of 
delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

Of the Executive. 

SECTION I. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four 
years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same term, 
be elected as follows: — 

2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof 
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of sena- 
tors and representatives to which the state may be entitled in Con- 
gress; but no senator or representative, or person holding any office 
of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an 
elector. 

3. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by 
ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant 
of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all 
the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the go- 
vernment of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. 
The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall 
then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes 
shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who 
have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of 
them for President; and if no person have a majority, then, from 



APPENDIX. 343 

the five highest on the list, the said House shall in like manner 
choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall 
be taken by states, the representation from each state having one 
vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
bers from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states 
shall be necessary to a choice. In every case after the choice of the 
President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the 
electors shall be Vice President. But if there should remain two or 
more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by 
ballot the Vice President. 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors 
and the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be 
the same throughout the United States. 

5. No person except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the 
United States at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall 
be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eli- 
gible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty- 
five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of 
the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President; and 
the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, 
resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice President, 
declaring what officer shall then act as President; and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President 
shall be elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a 
compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished dur- 
ing the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not 
receive within that period any other emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the 
following oath or affirmation: — 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my 
ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United 
States." 

SECTION II. 

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and 
navy of the United States and of the militia of the several states, 
when called into the actual service of the United States; he may re- 
quire the opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the 
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of 
their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves 
and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases 
of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present, 



344 APPENDIX. 

concur: and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers 
and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the 
United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided 
for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may 
by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think 
proper in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of 
departments, 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may 
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, 
which shall expire at the end of the next session. 

SECTION III. 

1. He shall, from time to time, give to Congress information of 
the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such 
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on 
extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them; and 
in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of 
adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think 
proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he 
shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed; and shall com- 
mission all the officers of the United States. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for and convic- 
tion of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

Of the Judiciary. 



1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may, from 
time to time order and establish. The judges, both of the supreme 
and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour; and 
shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which 
shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. 



1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity 
arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all 
cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls; to 
all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to 
which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between 
two or more states; between a state and citizens of another state; 
between citizens of different states; between citizens of the same 
state claiming lands under grants of different states; and between a 
state, or the citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. 



APPENDIX. 345 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and 
consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before 
mentioned the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both 
as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations 
as Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be 
by jury, and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes 
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, 
the trial shall be at such place or places as Congress may by law have 
directed. 

SECTION III. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying 
war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid 
and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the 
testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or confession in 
open court. 

2. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason; 
but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, 
except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Miscellaneous. 



1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public 
acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And 
Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such 
acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 



1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges 
and immunities of citizens in the several states. 

2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other 
crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another state, shall, 
on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, 
be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the 
crime. 

3. No person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another shall, in consequence of any law or 
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour; but 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or 
labour may be due. 

SECTION III. 

1. New states may be admitted by Congress into this union; but 
no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
other state, nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more 
44 



346 APPENDIX. 

states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the 
states concerned, as well as of Congress. 

2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory, or other property be- 
longing to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be 
so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any 
particular state. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union 
a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them 
against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of the exe- 
cutive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic 
violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

Of Amendments. 

1. Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it 
necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution; or, on the 
application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall 
call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, 
shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, 
when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, 
or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other 
mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress; provided, that no 
amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth 
clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, with- 
out its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

Miscellaneous. 

1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the 
adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United 
States under this constitution, as under the confederation. 

2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall 
be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be 
made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme 
law of the land ; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, 
any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary not- 
withstanding. 

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the 
members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judi- 
cial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall 
be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution: but no 
religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, or 
public trust, under the United States. 



APPENDIX. 



347 



ARTICLE VII. 

Of the Ratification. 

1. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be suffi- 
cient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so 
ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, 
the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the independence 
of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof, 
we have hereunto subscribed our names. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

John Langdon, 
Nicholas Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Nathaniel Gorman, 
Rufus King. 

NEW JERSEY. 

William Livingston, 
David Brearly, 
William Patterson, 
Jonathan Dayton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Mifflin, 
Robert Morris, 
George Clymer, 
Thomas Fitzsimmons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 
James Wilson, 
Governeur Morris. 

DELAWARE. 

George Read, 
Gunning Bedford, jun. 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jacob Broom. 

Attest, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

President, and Deputy from Virginia. 

CONNECTICUT. 

William Samuel Johnson, 
Roger Sherman. 

NEW YORK. 

Alexander Hamilton. 

MARYLAND. 

James M'Henry, 

Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, 

Daniel Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 

John Blair, 

James Madison, jun. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Blount, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
Hugh Williamson. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

John Rutledge, 
Chas. Cotesworth Pinckney, 
Charles Pinckney, 
Pierce Butler. 

GEORGIA. 

William Few, 

iham Baldwin. 

WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. " 



348 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Art. 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the 
freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of 
grievances. 

Art. 2. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of 
a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be 
infringed. 

Art. S. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any 
house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a 
manner to be prescribed by law. 

Art. 4. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall 
not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, 
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place 
to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise 
infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, 
except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia 
when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject for the same offence to be put twice in jeopardy of 
life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be wit- 
ness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for 
public use without just compensation. 

Art. 6. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the 
right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state 
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which 
district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be 
informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted 
with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtain- 
ing witnesses in his favour; and to have the assistance of counsel for 
his defence. 

Art. 7\ In suits at common law, where the value in controversy 
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre- 
served; and no fact tried by jury shall be otherwise re-examined in 
any court of the United States than according to the rules of the com- 
mon law. 

Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Art. 9. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights, shall 
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 



APPENDIX. 349 

Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States by the con- 
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states 
respectively or to the people. 

Art. 11. The judicial power of the United States shall not be con- 
strued to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prose- 
cuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, or 
by citizens or subjects of another state, or by citizens or subjects of 
any foreign state. 

Art. 12. § 1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, 
and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at 
least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; 
they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, and 
in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-president; and they 
shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as president and of 
all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for 
each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the 
seat of the government of the United States, directed to the president 
of the senate; the president of the senate shall, in the presence of 
the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and 
the votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest num- 
ber of votes for president shall be the president, if such number be a 
majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person 
have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest num- 
bers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as president, 
the house of representatives shall choose immediately by ballot the 
president. But in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by 
states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum 
for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds 
of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a 
choice. And if the house of representatives shall not choose a presi- 
dent whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the 
fourth day of March next following, then the vice-president shall act 
as president, as in the case of the death or other constitutional dis- 
ability of the president. 

2, The person having the greatest number of votes as vice-presi- 
dent shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the 
whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majoritv, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list the senate shall choose 
the vice-president: a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two- 
thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole 
number shall be necessary to a choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president 
shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. 



350 



The following is the original copy of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence as written by Thomas Jefferson. The part printed with quo- 
tations was erased by Congress and the words in brackets supplied. 

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of 
America in General Congress assembled. 

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one 
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate 
and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God 
entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires 
that they should declare the causes which impel them to the sepa- 
ration. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created 
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with [certain] "inhe- 
rent and" unalienable rights; that amongst these are, life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are 
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of 
the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes de- 
structive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to 
abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation 
on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them 
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, 
indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be 
changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experi- 
ence hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while 
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms 
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and 
usurpations, "begun at a distinguished period and" pursuing invaria- 
bly the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute 
despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off' such govern- 
ment, and to provide new guards to their future security. Such has 
been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the ne- 
cessity which constrains them to [alter] "expunge" their former sys- 
tems of government. 

The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of [re- 
peated] "unremitting" injuries and usurpations, "among which ap- 
pears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest; but 
all have" [all having,] in direct object, the establishment of an abso- 
lute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted 
to a candid world, "for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsul- 
lied by falsehood." 



APPENDIX. 351 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and neces- 
sary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and press- 
ing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent 
should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected 
to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large 
districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of 
representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and 
formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncom- 
fortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for 
the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly "and continually," 
for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the 
people. 

He has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause 
others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of 
annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; 
the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the danger of in- 
vasion from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for 
that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, re- 
fusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising 
the conditions of new appropriations of lands. 

He has "suffered" [obstructed] the administration of justice "to- 
tally to cease in some of these states," [by] refusing his assent to 
laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made "our" judges dependent on his will alone for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offices, "by a self-assumed 
power," and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and 
eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies, "and 
ships of war," without the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior 
to the civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign 
to oUr constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his 
assent to their acts of pretended legislation. 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: 

For protecting them, by mock trial, from punishment for any mur- 
ders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states: 

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent: 

For depriving us, [in many cases,] of the benefits of trial by jury: 

For transporting U3 beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences: 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring 
province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging 
its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instru- 



352 APPENDIX. 

merit for introducing the same absolute rule into these "states" [colo- 
nies:] 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, 
and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments: 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in- 
vested with power to legislate for us, in all cases whatever: 

He has abdicated government here "withdrawing his governors, 
and" [by] declaring us out of his [allegiance] protection, [and 
waging war against us:] 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
and destroyed the lives of our people: 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries 
to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun 
with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, [scarcely paralleled in the 
most barbarous ages, and] totally unworthy the head of a civilized 
nation. 

The three next paragraphs in the original draught, were as follows: 

"He has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers 
the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an un- 
distinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of exist- 
ence. 

"He has incited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens, 
with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property. 

"He has constrained others, taken captives on the high seas, to bear 
arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends 
and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands." 

In place of the three paragraphs erased, the two following were in- 
troduced: 

[He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high 
seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of 
their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.] 

[He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en- 
deavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless 
Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished 
destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.] 

The next paragraph, which related to the slave trade, was entirely 
erased. It was as follows: 

"He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its 
most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, 
who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery, 
in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transporta- 
tion thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, 
is the warfare of a christian king of Great Britain. Determined to 
keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has 
prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to 
prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce; and that this assemblage 
of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting 
those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that 
liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people upon 
whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes com- 



APPENDIX. 353 

mitted against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges 
them to commit against the lives of another." 

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress 
in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered 
only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked 
by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a 
[free] people "who mean to be free. Future ages will scarce believe 
that the hardiness of one man adventured within the short compass of 
twelve years only, to build a foundation so broad and undisguised, for 
tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom." 

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. 
We have warned them from time to time, of attempts by their legis- 
lature "to extend a jurisdiction over these our states," [to extend an 
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.] We have reminded them of the 
circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, "no one of which 
could warrant so strange a pretension: that these were effected at the 
expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or 
the strength of Great Britain: that in constituting indeed our several 
forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby lay- 
ing a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them: but that 
submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor 
ever in idea, if history may be credited; and" we [have] appealed to 
their native justice and magnanimity, "as well as to" [and we have 
assured them by] the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these 
usurpations, which "were likely to" [would inevitably] interrupt our 
connexions and correspondence. They too, have been deaf to the 
voice of justice and of consanguinity; "and when occasions have been 
given them by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their 
councils, the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free elec- 
tion re-established them in power. At this very time too, they are 
permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our 
common blood, but [Scotch and] foreign mercenaries to invade and 
destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affec- 
tion; and manly spirit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling 
brethren. We must endeavour to forget our former love for them, 
and to hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in 
peace friends. We might have been a free and a great people to- 
gether; b^t a communication of grandeur and of freedom it seems, is 
below their dignity. Be it so, since the/ will have it. The road to 
happiness and to glory ft open to us too: we will climb it apart from 
them, and acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our eternal 
separation." [We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which 
denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of man- 
kind, enemies in war, in peace friends.] 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Ame- 
rica, in General Congress assembled, [appeal inj; to the supreme 
judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions] do, in the name, 
and by authority of the good people of these "states [colonies,] reject 
and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of Great Bri- 
tain, and all others, who may hereafter claim by, through, or under 
45 



354 APPENDIX 

them; we utterly dissolve all political connexion which may hereto- 
fore have subsisted between us and the parliament of Great Britain; 
and finally we do assert" fsolemnly publish and declare] That 
these United Colonies are, [and of right ought to be,] free and inde- 
pendent states; [that they are absolved from all allegiance to the Bri- 
tish crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state 
of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved,] and that as 
free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, con- 
clude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other 
acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for 
the support of this Declaration, [with a firm reliance on Divine Pro- 
vidence,] we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, 
and our sacred honour. 



THE END. 



'PJ 



/PZA/f^'" 



